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Stephen Cowley
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As Dr Coleman has yet to reply to anyone, perhaps I could respond to the criticisms of my questions by Jaqueimo and Elizabeth Anderson. 1. Jaqueimo wrongly accuses me of a deceptive "discourse of egalitarianism". My political stance is not egalitarian, though I support some universal rights, e.g. free non-violent expression. I can see that any political position might be framed as "violent", as it advocates laws that are in the last instance maintained by force on the part of the authorities. However, that is equally (perhaps more) true of egalitarian politics - think of the Marxist theories of revolution, or the realities of communist rule. No basis is offered for the supposed accurate rephrasing of Kollerstrom's and Hunt's "ideology", so there is not much to reply to there. 2. Elizabeth Anderson describes the massacre of whites on Haiti as "racist propaganda" spread by newspaper reports. She then admits that "the slave revolution entailed killing a lot of slaveholders, who were white" (but not because they were white) and that "Dessalines... killed several thousand French whites" on the basis of a letter. She doesn't say how many he left alive. How many Haitian whites are there today? The contrast between egalitarian ideals, such as the 1801 Haitian constitution, and the violence necessary to realize and maintain them is well known in the case of the French and Russian revolutions. It seems to have been no different in Haiti. A business plan of working unpaid laborers to death and then paying for new ones makes no sense. The death rate of whites in contemporary Britain exceeds the birth rate and this is used by the liberal-Marxist left as a reason for displacement level immigration. Does she think that this is genocidal? She says that "racism has distorted whites' historical memories". Thinking in terms of ethnic interests is a human universal: it foregrounds facts that are salient to the interests of an ethnic group. Distortion of facts is still a defect of racially identified thought, as the racial group benefits from an accurate grasp of reality. I agree with her that Dr Coleman has identified some distortions of our common culture(s). I have read contemporary British newspaper reports of St Domingue (Haiti) and Martinique and they are if anything hostile to the French, with whom Britain was at war, and sympathetic to Toussaint L'Ouverture. For a racially conscious account of Haiti, see Lothrop Stoddard's The French Revolution in St Domingue (copy in UCL library). Stoddard's account is based on archival material, not newspapers.
I have some questions: 1. You say: "The "great" Enlightenment philosopher [Kant] thought that African people were incapable of organising and administering themselves rationally.In Haiti, however, that is exactly what they did." Questions: Did the Haitians not begin by massacring the whites? Is Haiti really a model of good government? Was it ever? 2. You say: "the 1994 book The Bell Curve [...] attempts to establish a relationship between intelligence and "race."" Questions: Does it and related work not make a plausible case at the level of averages? Why do you not address (or do you?) the possible truth and implications of race realist literature? Is this not separating the humanities from the biological sciences to the detriment of both? 3. I find your work at UCL valuable as a contribution to the history of ideas and would support it. Do you support UCL's decisions to expel/disrespect Dr Nicholas Kollerstrom or honorary professor Tim Hunt for their research/opinions, or to ban the radical right Nietzsche Society for political incorrectness? Did you ever speak up for them?
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Aug 27, 2015