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Interests: linguistics, comparative linguistics, Sino-Tibetan, Indo-European, Tangut, Berber Languages,
Recent Activity
One of the interesting parts of modern Islamic orthodoxy is the belief that the ten canonical reading traditions are transmitted by tawātur, mass transmission so massive that it is unthinkable that people could have agreed upon a lie. The requirement of tawātur doesn't really enter the Islamic discourse until rather... Continue reading
Posted Sep 30, 2023 at PhDniX's blog
A final conundrum among a whole slew of conundrums among these among the primae waw verbs is the behaviour of the mediopassive derivation. In general, I don't think we are quite ready to reconstruct the Proto-Berber at all yet, a bunch of Berber languages show vastly different formations, which do... Continue reading
Posted Aug 23, 2023 at PhDniX's blog
After my previous blogpost, Maarten Kossmann pushed back in the comments on Twitter on the idea that *əw really yields *u, which is something that would be needed to derive *əssuɣəd from *əssəwɣəd. There are, namely several cases where u and əw really seem to remain distinct, especially in the... Continue reading
Posted Aug 21, 2023 at PhDniX's blog
Last time I talked a bit about an interesting possible connection of how Berber and Semitic treat verbs with initial w as the first root consonant, both of them notably seem to lack the w in the underived prefix conjugation, but reappears on other derivations. Thus yaqid but causative yūqid... Continue reading
Posted Aug 20, 2023 at PhDniX's blog
So after our Summerschool course Benjamin Suchard and I were excited to finally get working on a paper together, something we've always wanted to do but somehow the stars never aligned. We had a cool idea about a parallel between the Proto-Semitic and Proto-Berber morphological behavior of roots that probably... Continue reading
Posted Aug 16, 2023 at PhDniX's blog
Because it surfaces as /h/ in Tuareg and disappears in most Northern dialects with compensatory lengthening of preceding short vowels. Intervocalically it sometimes surfaces as /ww/ or /ggʷ/ in Northern dialects though. In Ghadames it is /β/ and in Awjili it is /v/, and for some dissimilatory patterns it clearly behaves as a labial (patterning with /m/, /f/ and /b/), which seems difficult to explain if it were *h. Therefore all still living historical linguists of Berber I think are in agreement that *β was some kind of labial. :-)
*β almost certainly goes back to *b at an earlier point (Proto-Berber has very few compelling examples for a *b, so there's a gap in the system there). Also some good cognates with Afro-Asiatic languages seem to suggest it's a *b!
I have just finished a really inspiring and interesting course at the Leiden Summer School named "Reconstructing Afro-Asiatic" together with Benjamin Suchard, Marwan Kilani, Ahmed Sosal and Maarten Mous. A big aim of the course was to introduce an audience (and, to be honest, each other) to the specific challenges... Continue reading
Posted Jul 25, 2023 at PhDniX's blog
Japanese doesn't have many long vowels in native v... Continue reading
Posted Apr 25, 2023 at PhDniX's blog
Japanese is a weird language. In its modern form i... Continue reading
Posted Dec 19, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Thinking some more on the recitation, I realize th... Continue reading
Posted Sep 6, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
I've written before about how Japanese Buddhist re... Continue reading
Posted Sep 3, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Western/Kabyle Kb. bbi 'to pinch, sting' Tashl. bbi 'to bite, sting, cut' CMB bbəy 'to cut, pluck' Zenatic Rif bbi 'to pinch' Fig. ppəy 'to pick up one after the other' Mzab bbi 'to grab and take along, pick' Ouar. bbi 'to take' Libyan Ghd. ăbbək 'to pick up, one... Continue reading
Posted Aug 25, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Western/Kabyle Tashl. bzg, bdg impf. azzg CMB bzəg, bzəy Kb. ḇzəḡ impf. ttāzəḡ Zenatic Fig. bzəy Rif. bzəg Mzab bzəǧ Ouar. bzəg [Siwa səbzig] [Foq. səbdig] Touareg Ah əbdəǵ WY əbdəg Ghat əbǧəǧ Libyan Ghd. ăβǧəǧ Southern Zng. ăwḏəg pf. ūḏäg impf. āddäg Notes: There is variation between whehter the... Continue reading
Posted Aug 22, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Western/Kabyle Tashl. iḍ pl. aḍan CMB iḍ pl. iḍan Kb. iḍ pl. uḍan, aḍan Zenatic Fig. iḍ pl. iḍan Rif. iḍa 'currently' Mzab iḍ pl. iyḍan Ouar. iḍ pl. iyḍan Foq. ayyəḍ Libyan Ghd. eβăḍ pl. eβăḍawăn Nef. iṭ pl. iṭawən Awj. ávəṭ pl. vəṭáwən Southern Zng. īḏ̣ pl. āḏ̣an... Continue reading
Posted Aug 22, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Western/Kabyle Kb. ḇḏər, impf. ttadər 'mention' Tashl. bdr, impf. addra 'cite, mention' CMB bdər impf. bəddar Zenatic Rif idar 'evoke' Fig. bdər 'mention' Mzab bdər 'evoke, cite' Ouar. bdər 'evoke, cite, mention' Siwa əbdəd Foq. bdəd Libyan Ghd. ăβḏər 'to mention' Southern Zng. äwḏər pf. ūḏär impf. āddär Notes References... Continue reading
Posted Aug 20, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Western/Kabyle Kb. a-nəḇdu Tashl. anbdu CMB anebdu Zenatic Rif anəbdu Fig. anəbdu Foq. nəbdu Libyan Ghd. anăβdu Nef. nudu Southern Zng. tnäwḏəḏ 'dry season, summer' pl. tnūḏan 'years' Notes As pointed out by Kossmann (1999: 115), seeing this noun as an *m/n-derivation from bdu 'to begin', is perhaps tempting, but... Continue reading
Posted Aug 20, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Western/Kabyle Kb. tiddi Tashl. tiddi CMB tiddi Zenatic Rif tiddi Fig. tiddi Ouar. tiddi Tuareg Ah. téhəddé WY téddé Ghat čiddi Mali tehădde Southern Zng. tīddih Notes A typical te-CăCC-e abstract verbal noun from the verb *ăβdəd 'to stand'. The *te- prefix instead of the more common *ta- is ultimately... Continue reading
Posted Aug 20, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Western/Kabyle Kb. ḇədd impf. yəţţaddəḏ/yəţ̨ṭəḇdaḏ/ḇəddəḏ Tashl. bdd impf. add'd CMB bədd impf. bədda Zenatic Rif bədd Fig. bədd Mzab bədd Ouar. bədd Siwa əbdəd Foq. bdəd Tuareg Ah. əbdəd WY əbdəd Ghat əbdəd Mali əbdəd Libyan Ghd. ăβdəd Nef. wdəd Awjila vdəd Southern Zng. äwḏəḏ pf. ūḏäḏ Impf. āddäḏ Notes... Continue reading
Posted Aug 19, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
West-Moroccan/Kabyle Tashl. aggu, awwu 'smoke' CMB aggu 'id.' Kb. abbu 'id.' Libyan Ghd. oβu 'smoke' Awj. avu 'id.' Tuareg Ah. ăhu 'smoke' W ăhu, əhu 'id.' Y ăẉẉa 'id.' Ghat ahu 'id.' Southern: Zng. oʔbih 'smoke' Notes: There appears to be a verb, perhaps to be reconstructed as *əʔəβuββ(u) 'to... Continue reading
Posted Aug 19, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Ghd. oḍəβ 'to fold' Niger Tuareg (WY) aḍu 'to fold' Ahaggar Tuareg aḍ 'to fold' Zng. yaḏ̣īh 'to fold' CMB aḍu 'to fold' Tashl. aḍu 'come back' Mzab aḍi 'to fold' Notes: Ghadamsi initial o usually corresponds to a root-initial *ʔ, but we would expect a reflex of this in... Continue reading
Posted Aug 18, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
Ghd. aẓăggas pl. ẓăggasăn 'year' Awj. ašəwwáša 'this year' Siwa asəggasa 'this year' Foq. saggasa 'this year' Tu. (Ah) ăsv̆ggas 'time, epoch' Kb. a-səggʷas pl. i-səggʷasən 'year' PKb. asəggʷas 'year' CMB a-səggʷas pl. i-səggʷasən 'year' Tashl. a-sggʷas pl. i-sggʷasn 'year' Izn. asəggʷas 'year' Sn. asggʷas 'year' Fig. a-səggʷas pl. i-səggʷasən... Continue reading
Posted Aug 18, 2021 at PhDniX's blog
I would love for your to enlighten me what those rules might be. As far as I can tell, the alternation is basically random in the Quran. In inscription and papyri from around the same period رحمت الله is almost the exclusive selling.
@David: Good points (and yes it is like that i Dutch). Still, for some reason you see that European transcribers are very quick to drop word-initial glottal stops in transcriptions of languages even if it is phonemic there. What do you think triggers that then? Also: word-initial [m] or [ŋ] in English sounds wild. Where do they do that? And do you have any example of it?
Toggle Commented May 31, 2021 on Transcribing Classical Arabic at PhDniX's blog
That's correct! But it was something that I assumed would be understood implicitly. I did not want to have this post, which is about transcribing Classical Arabic to have a huge digression on the specificities of the orthography of modern printed muṣḥafs.
Toggle Commented May 31, 2021 on Transcribing Classical Arabic at PhDniX's blog