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The Serbs succeeded in stealing Southern Hungary from Austria-Hungary. In 1918. It is now called Voivodina, and is part of Serbia. In spite of the fact that the Serbs were only the biggest minority there until 1991. Ethnic cleansing then made them an absolute majority. But they are not satisfied with that land grab, and have not given up trying to steal half of Bosnia-Herzegovina --where they murdered 65,000 from 1992 to 1995 and expelled hundreds of thousands-- and northern Kosova. That's what happens when you didn't have a territory of your own for 340 years: you can't recognize which is yours, and which isn't. Even if your neighbors do know what land is theirs. That's why a little help was in order, in the form of NATO bombs. Clinton was right to bomb Serbia. He only did it eight years too late.
In the 19th century, when they were trying to steal Hungary where they had settled as refugees, the Serbs invented the myth that they had been "invited" to settle there by Emperor Leopold at the end of the 17th century, and that 500,000 Serbs had then left Kosova for a better treatment. The reality was that only 40,000 Serb refugees had settled in southern Hungary at the end of the 17th century, and from the whole of Serbia, as the Ottomans took back Serbia from the Austrian armies -- and there had certainly not been 500,000 Serbs in Kosova at the time. In the 20th century, as they tried to steal Kosova from its Albanian inhabitants --who had been there for millenia before the Serbs invaded the region in the 13th century, the Serbs came up with another Big Lie, the lie that the Albanians, who were then a majority of two thirds in Kosova, were "recent immigrants". This Big Lie, and the fact that most of the Kosovars are nominally Muslim, is now being used on ignorant Westerners to make them believe that the decolonization of Kosova, and its liberation from genocidal Serbian rule, is identical to the invasion of the West by foreign Muslims. The truth is exactly the opposite : in Kosova the Serbs are the invaders, like the Muslims in the rest of Europe, and the so-called "Palestinians" in Israel. Throw the Muslims invaders out of Western Europe Throw the Arab invaders out of Israel Throw the Serb invaders out of Kosova.
http://www.commentarymagazine.com/blogs/index.php/gjermani/332046 New Best Friends in the Balkans Kejda Gjermani - Commentary, 07.21.2010 - 5:02 PM Some news you might have missed last week: Serbia and Turkey have inaugurated a series of unprecedented initiatives of military and diplomatic cooperation, including joint aviation exercises and a mutual abolition of visas. The timing of these gallantries is rather ironic, as it coincides with the 15th anniversary of the Srebrenica massacre, which marks the extermination of nearly 8,000 Bosnians, mostly boys and men, as well as the ethnic cleansing of some 25,000 to 30,000 more — which extermination and concomitant ethnic cleansing the Serb perpetrators justified in the name of “driving out the Turks” (i.e., the Bosnian Muslims). This was the first year the Serbian government ever condemned the massacre — a humbling gesture aimed at smoothing its path toward EU membership. Some may consider this an occasion of which Serbia has availed itself in order to also mend fences with Turkey — a party its war slogans of 15 years ago had indirectly offended. But it is far more likely that the two developments bear no more relation to each other than did the Serbs’ genocide against the Bosnians and their animosity toward the Turks — which is to say, none at all. What this newly forged friendship between Serbia and Turkey actually represents is a miniature replica of the trend in the relationship between their respective patrons, Russia and Iran, who have recently grown very close. For, of late, Turkey has become a firm node of the Iran-Syria-Venezuela axis, and as for Serbia, well — as an independent state, Serbia has not exercised any political free will of its own since the Middle Ages without first consulting Russia’s interests. And while under that whipped fluff of much-talked-about UN sanctions the ties between Iran and Russia continue to flourish, so do those between their proxies in the Balkans. The club of disaffected anti-Western regimes is growing. And they look like a relatively enlightened bunch these days, since they certainly don’t make much of religious differences. When they do, it’s only to their own people, and that, only for the perfectly understandable purpose of inciting politically useful hatreds in them. Among allies, however, respect and tolerance reign supreme.
Toggle Commented Sep 21, 2010 on Turkey Poised to Become Iran No. 2 at Atlas Shrugs
Wahhabi infiltration In Western Macedonia has been documented for years by serious people, of whom Spencer and Gorin are not on that issue. For instance this report by Michael Totten: https://docs.google.com/Doc?docid=0AevnAZEI5La7ZGMybThwNjJfMjAxaGIzZ3piZ3g&hl=fr https://docs.google.com/Doc?docid=0AevnAZEI5La7ZGMybThwNjJfMjEyYzhrcWRjZHM&hl=fr Michael Totten testified at the same time, as an expert on the Middle East who had literally met with thousands of Muslims, that he had never seen such un-Muslim Muslims as the Kosovars. https://docs.google.com/Doc?docid=0AevnAZEI5La7ZGMybThwNjJfNDU1Z3c4cXg4aGY&hl=fr https://docs.google.com/Doc?docid=0AevnAZEI5La7ZGMybThwNjJfMjAwZ3M4ajVuY3c&hl=fr https://docs.google.com/Doc?docid=0AevnAZEI5La7ZGMybThwNjJfMjAyZHE5Mno3Z2o&hl=fr He also told the truth about Serbia's backwardness (and antisemitism) and its aggression against Bosnia-Herzegovina: https://docs.google.com/Doc?docid=0AevnAZEI5La7ZGMybThwNjJfMjA0ZHhjNDlrZzc&hl=fr https://docs.google.com/Doc?docid=0AevnAZEI5La7ZGMybThwNjJfMTU4Zm1xZnRnbXI&hl=fr Of course, his direct, informed account did not fit the template of Serbian Nazi propaganda, and he was dismissed as "naive" and "ignorant". But, as I have proved repeatedly, it is Gorin and Spencer who are "ignorant".
Not a peep from Indonesian citizen Barry Soetoro AKA Soebarkah, the Usurper-in chief?
To see German "Nazis" speaking another language than German always gives a bizarre impression. But of course, it reminds us that Nazis and antisemites have never spoken only German, and that they are still among us.
Toggle Commented Sep 21, 2010 on "Tomorrow belongs to me!" at Atlas Shrugs
Izetbegović and Ganić were certainly guilty in relation to the JNA – they were guilty of failing to prepare their country to resist its aggression, and for failing to take action against it even after this aggression had begun. Already during 1990, in preparation for its attack on Bosnia, the JNA had begun disarming the Bosnian Territorial Defence, but had run into resistance from sections of the latter, which refused to turn over their weapons. After Izetbegović and Ganić came to power in the Bosnian elections of autumn 1990, their Bosnian presidency actually ordered the Bosnian Territorial Defence to turn over its weapons to the JNA. Izetbegović and Ganić would continue to restrain Bosnian resistance to the JNA until long after the aggression had begun. When the Serbian paramilitaries of Željko Ražnatović ‘Arkan’ attacked the Bosnian city of Bijeljina on 1 April 1992, Izetbegović sanctioned the JNA’s occupation of the city, in the belief that it would restrain the Serb extremists. Weeks after the JNA and Serbia’s paramilitaries had already begun conquering Bosnian towns and killing and expelling their non-Serb inhabitants – Bijeljina on 1-3 April, Kupres on 8 April, Zvornik on 8-10 April, and so forth – Izetbegović was still systematically vetoing moves by Bosnia’s commanders to strike back against the JNA. On 26 April, Izetbegović signed an agreement with the regime in Belgrade to permit the JNA to withdraw from Bosnia, along with its own weapons and those that it had confiscated from the Bosnian Territorial Defence. This was arguably an act of treason on Izetbegović’s part, since he had turned over Bosnia’s confiscated armaments to the army of a neighbouring state that was currently engaged in attacking and conquering his country. But it did not mollify the JNA, whose operations against Bosnia did not cease; at the start of May, JNA forces previously withdrawn from Croatia were used to conquer the Bosnian towns of Derventa and Doboj. Sarajevo was the object of a full-scale offensive on 2 May, on the part of Colonel General Milutin Kukanjac, commander of the Sarajevo-based Second Military District of the JNA, attacking with his garrison within the city and attempting to seize control of the Bosnian presidency building, while additional JNA forces attacked the city from outside. Sarajevo’s post office, telephone exchange and other public buildings were bombarded. On the same day Izetbegović, returning from peace negotiations at Lisbon, was kidnapped by the JNA at Sarajevo airport. This amounted to a concerted assault by JNA forces on the organs of Bosnia’s democratically elected government. But the JNA’s offensive against Sarajevo was defeated by the Bosnian Territorial Defence, and Kukanjac’s column was surrounded. It was perhaps Bosnia’s greatest military victory to date, and it was largely squandered by Izetbegović. Initially, on 3 May, Izetbegović negotiated his own release from JNA captivity in exchange for the Bosnian armed forces allowing Kukanjac to leave Sarajevo. But immediately afterward, Kukanjac demanded that his entire JNA garrison be allowed to leave Sarajevo as the price for Izetbegović’s release. This revised deal was not supported by Ganić and the Bosnian military commanders in Sarajevo, but it was supported by General Lewis Mackenzie, the UN commander in Sarajevo and subsequently a paid lobbyist of SerbNet, a Serb-nationalist lobbying group in the US. Once Izetbegović was safely back in Bosnian hands, the Bosnian forces opened fire on the JNA convoy in Volunteers’ Street, succeeding in killing or capturing dozens of JNA soldiers. There is some uncertainty as to whether the initiative to attack the JNA convoy was taken spontaneously by the Bosnian soldiers on the ground themselves, as Jovan Divjak, the then deputy commander of the Bosnian Territorial Defence, claims, or whether it was ordered by the top Bosnian commanders or even by Ganić himself, deputised by Izetbegović to head the Bosnian presidency and critical of the deal with Kukanjac. Were the attack on the JNA convoy a war-crime, it would make no difference: Ganić and other members of the Bosnian wartime presidency - including Izetbegović himself - as the supreme command of the Bosnian armed forces, would be automatically responsible. But the attack was not a war crime : it was an attack on a legitimate military target. At most, the Bosnian defenders were guilty of violating a ceasefire agreement extracted from them under duress, by an enemy that had attacked them, been defeated, then sought to extricate itself from its defeat by kidnapping their democratically elected president and holding him as a hostage. The real guilt of Bosnia’s leadership in the spring of 1992 was not that, on this and one or two other occasions, its forces attacked and killed soldiers belonging to the army of a foreign state that was attacking its country. Its guilt lies in the fact that its forces did not do so more often. Where Bosnia’s defenders did prepare their defences and fight back against the JNA, they were sometimes able to protect their people from killing and massacre. So it was at Tuzla, where on 15 May 1992, the city’s defenders successfully destroyed the city’s JNA garrison, as a result of which Tuzla’s population was spared the massacres, expulsion, torture and rape that befell the citizens of other East Bosnian towns. So it was initially in Srebrenica, where the local defenders fought back and saved their town from destruction for three years, though they would eventually pay a very heavy price for their resistance. But in towns where the Bosnian authorities followed Izetbegović’s lead and did not resist the JNA, such as in Foča and Višegrad, the non-Serb population was massacred or expelled. The JNA would nevertheless probably have been allowed to withdraw peacefully from Sarajevo and Tuzla had it been willing to return the weapons it had confiscated from Bosnia’s Territorial Defence. Yet Belgrade’s strategy – carried out via the JNA - was to disarm Bosnia’s defenders and keep them disarmed, while arming the Bosnian Serb forces to the teeth, to enable them to carry out their genocidal plans against a defenceless enemy. In principle, the JNA had been the collective army of all Yugoslavia’s republics, and even its own weapons were therefore the collective property of all of them; the claim by Serbia and Montenegro (the ‘Federal Republic of Yugoslavia’) to be the sole successor state of the defunct Yugoslavia was never accepted by the UN or the international community. The ability of Bosnia’s defenders to defend their civilian population from the Serbian genocidal attack depended largely on their ability to recapture their weapons from the JNA – their attacks on the JNA in Sarajevo and Tuzla were a matter of life and death. With the arrest of Ejup Ganić and attempt to have him extradited to Serbia, Belgrade is persecuting a former member of the democratically elected presidency of the state that it attacked in 1992, for the crime of having resisted that attack. Last September, Ilija Jurišić, one of the Bosnian military commanders who directed the attack on the JNA at Tuzla on 15 May 1992, was sentenced by a Belgrade court to twelve years in prison for his role in the attack. Fifteen years after the end of the Bosnian war and ten years after the overthrow of Milošević, Serbia is still hounding Bosnians who attempted to resist its aggression and genocide in the 1990s. Such behaviour is of a kind with the Serbian parliament’s unwillingness to recognise the Srebrenica massacre as an act of genocide, despite the fact that this genocide has been recognised by two different international courts.
Toggle Commented Sep 18, 2010 on Turkey Poised to Become Iran No. 2 at Atlas Shrugs
http://greatersurbiton.wordpress.com/2010/03/03/the-arrest-of-ejup-ganic-serbias-aggression-against-bosnia-continues/ The arrest of Ejup Ganić: Serbia’s aggression against Bosnia continues Marko Attila Hoare, Greater Surbiton, 3 March 2010 [With the arrest of Ejup Ganić and attempt to have him extradited to Serbia, Belgrade was persecuting in early 2010 a former member of the democratically elected presidency of the state that it attacked in 1992, for the crime of having resisted that attack. Where it appears that the only crime Alija Izetbegović committed in the early phase of the Serbian war of conquest and extermination against the state of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992 was to deny the reality of such aggression and genocide until he was himself taken hostage by the conquering foreign army]. Imagine if, fifteen years after the end of World War II, the Japanese government had tried to have Henry A. Wallace, Vice President of the US during the war, extradited to face trial in Japan for the deaths of Japanese soldiers during the Battle of Pearl Harbour. Imagine if the German government after the war had tried to have survivors of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising extradited from Israel to Germany to face trial for the killing of German soldiers during the uprising. On Monday, Ejup Ganić, the former de facto Bosnian vice-president during the war of 1992-95, was arrested in London at the request of the Serbian government, which seeks his extradition to face trial in Serbia for the killing of Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) soldiers in Sarajevo on 3 May 1992. This incident demonstrate[d] that Serbia is still very far from showing repentence for its aggression against Bosnia during the 1990s. On the contrary, with the arrest of Ganić, Serbia [was] continuing this aggression, by attempting to persecute Bosnians guilty only of trying to defend their country from it. The incident for which Ganić’s extradition is being sought by Belgrade occurred at Dobrovoljačka ulica (Volunteers’ Street) in Sarajevo on 3 May 1992. At this time, the JNA forces in Sarajevo and in Bosnia as a whole were de jure and de facto the forces of the neighbouring state, the self-proclaimed ‘Federal Republic of Yugoslavia’ (i.e. Serbia and Montenegro), which was then engaged in a full-scale war of conquest against Bosnia-Hercegovina, involving the systematic massacre and expulsion of non-Serbs from the areas that it occupied. In principle, the JNA should have been the joint army of all the former Yugoslavia’s republics and peoples. But thanks to the Serb preponderance in its top command and its officer corps, from 1990 the JNA had been transformed into an exclusively Serbian (and technically also Montenegrin) army. On 27 June 1990, Veljko Kadijević, the Yugoslav Secretary of People’s Defence and the most senior officer of the JNA, agreed with Borisav Jović, Serbia’s representative on the Yugoslav Federal presidency and Slobodan Milošević’s right-hand man, a plan ‘forcibly to expel’ Slovenia and a dismembered Croatia from Yugoslavia, thereby breaking up the common state and creating what was in effect a Great Serbia. The JNA was thereafter steadily transformed into a Serbian army. During the war in Croatia in 1991-92, the JNA fought against Croatia, bombarding Croatian cities, killing and expelling Croatian civilians and turning over territory to the Serb rebels in Croatia – all without any authorisation from its constitutional commander, the Yugoslav Federal presidency, or from the Yugoslav government of Ante Marković. The JNA simply disregarded orders given to it by Stjepan Mesić, the Yugoslav president. On 3 October 1991, even formal pretence that the JNA was still ‘Yugoslav’ was dropped; the Serbian and Montenegrin members of the Yugoslav presidency carried out a coup d’etat, appropriating to themselves the right to command the JNA. This represented a violation of the rights of Bosnia-Hercegovina, which was still part of Yugoslavia. From then on, the JNA on Bosnian territory was a Serbian and Montenegrin army of occupation. The Bosnian presidency and government under Alija Izetbegović remained neutral during the war in Croatia. They bent over backwards to avoid provoking the JNA on Bosnian territory, and to retain good relations with it. Izetbegović, his fellow Bosnian presidency member Ejup Ganić and other senior Muslim political leaders naively believed that war could be avoided and that the JNA would not support the Serb extremists. This was an error of monumental proportions. Following a long and careful preparation, at the start of April 1992 – before Bosnia-Hercegovina’s independence had been recognised by the international community – the JNA, under Serbia’s formal control, launched a full-scale military attack on Bosnia-Hercegovina. Eventually, the Bosnian Serb nationalists under Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić would assume command of a formally independent Bosnian Serb army (‘Army of the Serb Republic’). But until 19 May 1992, all Bosnian Serb forces were either themselves part of the JNA, or under JNA command. The International Court of Justice (ICJ), in its 2007 verdict in Bosnia’s case against Serbia for genocide, ruled that ‘it is established by overwhelming evidence that massive killings in specific areas and detention camps throughout the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina were perpetrated during the conflict’ and that ‘the victims were in large majority members of the protected group [the Muslims], which suggests that they may have been systematically targeted by the killings.’ Moreover, ‘it has been established by fully conclusive evidence that members of the protected group were systematically victims of massive mistreatment, beatings, rape and torture causing serious bodily and mental harm, during the conflict and, in particular, in the detention camps.’ This process began while all Bosnian Serb forces were still under the command of Serbia and the JNA, whose central role in these crimes has been extensively documented.
Toggle Commented Sep 18, 2010 on Turkey Poised to Become Iran No. 2 at Atlas Shrugs
So it seems that the only "evidence" of Israeli "support" for Greater Serbian Nazism is Milorad Dodik's unilateral statements. It is quite unlikely that the Israelis, who know what it means to be the victims of genocide, will change their stance towards greater-Serbian Nazism and start supporting it. Compared with its overt anti-Israeli provocations, the Turkish government has been remarkably restrained towards the wars of Serbian aggression and genocide in the Balkans, leaving it to the Europeans to intervene even as it knew the British and French governments covertly supported the Serbian aggressions until Mitterrand's Socialist Party lost its parliamentary majority in early 1993. Even now the Serbian President recently accepted Turkish intervention to solve a local conflicts in the Northern Sanjak --something he shouldn't have done, but which shows to what extent the Serbs politicians actually believe their Western minions' propaganda about an alleged Turkish plot to reconquer its former Balkan possessions.
Toggle Commented Sep 18, 2010 on Turkey Poised to Become Iran No. 2 at Atlas Shrugs
There is nothing wrong with being "anti-Muslim". Islam is largely a false set of beliefs, as it characterizes as a "man of God" someone who was a gigolo, a pedophile, a liar, a thief, a rapist and a mass murderer. Given the remnants of sovereign property rights still embodied in the collectivistic notion of majority rule, being "anti-Muslim" remain a "democratic" government's right, "freedom of religion" (which Christians no longer enjoy now because Socialism governs agains the majority) being but one of many possible principles of political organization. Given that undeniable element of sovereign property rights which remains in any organized political society, no organized political society violates ipso facto the principles of natural justice if it bans foreign Muslims just because they are Muslim, denies them citizenship just because they are Muslim, and imposes contraints on the practice of their supposed religion by its Muslim citizens, just because they are Muslim. And indeed, it had better be "anti-Muslim" in that way if it wants to avoid losing its remaining freedoms to Islamic Law. Now, if denying that they are "anti-Muslim" is what Robert Spencer and Pamela Geller are trying to do, they would be more credible if they did not take at face value and repeat, in an almost complete ignorance of the facts, the accusations and the lies which anti-Muslim criminals have made against peaceful Muslims who had attacked and invaded no one, in order to exterminate them. When will we be spared the unceasing propaganda lies manufactured by the Serb mendacity industry and delivered here, without any expertise or input of her own, by Julia Gorin? To be sure, those provide Balkan experts with constantly new insights into the persistent perversions of Serb political society; but they should be presented as such, only specialists are interested in them and they can be found elsewhere, notably in the writings the Normal Serbs, who have been fighting them for a century. On he other hand, to repeat the lies of international aggressors and mass murderers lie about mass murderers
What is lacking is the Serbian Volunteer Corps -- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1XXpFdzF1xU
Photo 3 represents a Georgian and 5 an Armenian (Orthodox Christians) Photo 8 represents a Korean (Buddhist) The negro comes from the legion "Freies Arabien".
Mr Soetoro displays the left's usual mendacity as he invokes "freedom of religion" on behalf of the sole Muslims. The very purpose of so-called "public" education is to steal money from the citizens in order to give the loot to teachers who do not share their beliefs. And then the Socialists in government ban those beliefs under the pretext that "government shouldn't establish a religion". The obvious and indeed only logical solution to that alleged problem is to ban government from each and every school, and that of course is the opposite of what they want. Government so-called "education" is a war machine against religious freedom and as a consequence whoever defends it in any way is an enemy of religious freedom, and is nothing but a hypocrite if he purports to defend it. UPDATE: Sarah Palin just tweeted this: 9/11 mosque=act of fitna, "equivalent to bldg Serbian Orthodox church @Srebrenica killing fields where Muslims were slaughtered" - Raza&Fatah That's a quote from this article, which she encourages everyone to read: Please read this op-ed: http://is.gd/ehXMB by Raheel Raza and Tarek Fatah.
Question (11) WILL THE SERBIAN MASTERMINDS OF SREBRENICA MASSACRE, RADOVAN KARADZIC AND RATKO MLADIC, EVER BE BROUGHT TO JUSTICE? It's hard to speculate. There is no genuine will in Serbia to arrest Radovan Karadzic and/or Ratko Mladic. Serbia has been protecting and financially supporting war criminals for over a decade now. Bosnian Serb war crimes fugitive Ratko Mladic drew his army general's pension in Serbia up until November last year while on the run from international justice. An investigation had revealed that Mladic's wife, son and two Army officers, one retired and one still active, had been authorized to pick up the money in 2002, when Mladic dropped out of sight to avoid arrest. He was active in the Yugoslav Army until 2002, one year after Milosevic's arrest. On June 7 2006, in a statement to the Security Council, Chief UN War Crimes Prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, complained that rather than arresting Mladic, the Serbian authorities had wasted time trying to get him to surrender voluntarily. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/06/srebrenica-massacre-orchestrators-must.html And while a series of operations targeting his support network earlier this year might have succeeded in producing a lot of column inches, she added, they lacked the discretion needed to acquire information that could have led to his arrest. In addition, Del Ponte voiced suspicion that inconsistencies in reports submitted to her office by the Serbian authorities were a sign that the information in them had been “doctored for political reasons”. According to Del Ponte, there are established leads connecting Serbia to Radovan Karadzic and that it is certain that part of his network and of his family remains in Republika Srpska (Serb part of Bosnia). http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/06/hague-judges-introduce-impunity-for.html During 2005, there was no real attempt to locate and arrest Mladic. Part of Karadzic’s family is living in Montenegro, and he can count on numerous supporters there. In 2000, a U.S. Jury returned a $4.5 billion verdict against Radovan Karadzic. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2005/12/us-jury-45-billion-verdict-against.html The U.S. Government has offered a $5 million reward for information leading to the capture of Ratko Mladic. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2005/12/5000000-reward-offered-for-capture-of.html Question (12) DID THE BOSNIAKS BOMBED THEMSELVES TO FORCE NATO STOP SERBIAN ATTACKS ON SARAJEVO, SREBRENICA, GORAZDE AND OTHER CITIES UNDER SIEGE? Absolutely not. The Markale massacres were two massacres committed by the Army of Republika Srpska (Bosnian Serb Army) on Sarajevo civilians during the Siege of Sarajevo in the Bosnian War. They occurred at the Markale marketplace located in the historical core of Sarajevo. The first happened on February 5, 1994 when 68 people were killed and 144 more were wounded. The second occurred on August 28, 1995 when a mortar shell killed 37 people and wounded another 90. United Nations concluded that both attacks came from Serbian army (see: Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to General Assembly resolution 53/55): 438. Five mortar rounds landed in a crowded area of downtown Sarajevo shortly after 1100 hours on 28 August [1995]. Four of the rounds caused only minimal material damage; one round, however, landed in the Markale marketplace, the scene of a similar attack on 5 February 1994. Thirty-seven people, most of them civilians, were killed in and around the marketplace, and approximately 90 were injured. A confidential report to the UNPROFOR Commander concluded that the five rounds had been fired from the Serb-held area of Lukavica, to the west of Sarajevo. (The secrecy surrounding the UNPROFOR investigation into this incident gave rise to speculation, fuelled by the Serbs, that there was doubt as to which side had fired the mortar rounds. A review of United Nations documentation, however, confirms that UNPROFOR considered the evidence clear: all five rounds had been fired by the Bosnian Serbs.) 439. On the day of the attack, the Force Commander based in Zagreb, who controlled the United Nations "key" to launch air attacks, was absent on personal business. The key had therefore passed temporarily to the UNPROFOR Commander in Sarajevo. The latter decided to initiate a request for NATO air strikes against the Serbs, calculating that force could be used to advantage. The goal of the "enforcement operation" would be to remove Serb weapons from within striking distance of the safe area of Sarajevo, and to lift the siege of the city. Two problems, however, prevented the UNPROFOR Commander from turning the key immediately. First, despite sustained efforts over two months to remove UNPROFOR troops from positions from which they could be taken hostage by Serb forces, a detachment of UNPROFOR troops was moving through Serb-held territory in eastern Bosnia, on its way out of Gora de. Second, UNPROFOR's facilities in Sarajevo were, as ever, scattered across the floor of the valley in which Sarajevo lies, exposed to fire from Serb mortars and artillery in the surrounding hills. 440. The UNPROFOR Commander called Mladic to ensure that the movement of UNPROFOR troops out of Serb-held territory would not be hindered. Not wishing to arouse the Serbs' suspicions, which could have led to the detention of the exposed UNPROFOR troops, the UNPROFOR Commander decided not to tell Mladic that UNPROFOR experts had confirmed that the mortar rounds had been fired by the Serbs, or that he was planning to launch an air campaign against the Serbs in response. Mladic was apparently satisfied, allowing the UNPROFOR unit in eastern Bosnia to proceed across the international border into the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, a manoeuvre which was completed in the same evening. Again concerned not to arouse Serb suspicions, the UNPROFOR Commander also made a statement to the press in which he was equivocal, both as to who had fired the mortar rounds and as to how UNPROFOR intended to respond. The press, and the Bosnian Government authorities, were, like Mladic, convinced that there would be no dramatic response to the massacre. The Government lodged a protest against what it described as the latest example of a pattern of UNPROFOR inaction. 441. The UNPROFOR Commander turned his key at approximately 2000 hours on 28 August, without consulting his superiors in the United Nations or any of the troop-contributing countries. (The Secretariat noted with concern that it had learned of the decision only six hours later, and had not yet received any information confirming responsibility for the mortar attack itself.) The UNPROFOR Commander did, however, speak several times with the Commander of NATO's Southern Command,holder of the NATO key. The latter dispatched a message stating that, in the common judgement of the UNPROFOR Commander and himself, the conditions for the initiation of air strikes against the set of targets in the Sarajevo area had been met. He said that he and the UNPROFOR commander had agreed that air strikes would begin as soon as the weather and technical considerations allowed. He added that the air strikes would continue until, in the common judgement of the NATO and United Nations military commanders, the attacks on, or threat to, Sarajevo had ceased. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2005/12/un-report-serbs-responsible-for-1995.html Serb General Stanislav Galic has been found guilty and sentenced to 20 years in prison for terrorizing Sarajevo. The International Court's judges said that prosecutors proved beyond reasonable doubt 18 of the 26 sniping incidents they charged and all five of the shellings. That includes the 1994 Sarajevo marketplace shelling (Markale market massacre). It also was the first time the court dealt with the charge of terror, as defined in the 1949 Geneva Convention. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2005/12/serb-general-stanislav-galic-guilty.html THE SREBRENICA GENOCIDE IS NOT A MATTER OF ANYBODY'S OPINION; IT'S A JUDICIAL FACT RECOGNIZED FIRST BY THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA AND SUBSEQUENTLY BY THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE. [and a German court to boot] The Srebrenica Genocide Blog, 10 July 2006 http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/07/srebrenica-massacre-answers-revised_10.html
Question (10) WAS NETHERLAND'S NIOD REPORT FLAWED WITH RESPECT TO EVENTS LEADING TO THE SREBRENICA MASSACRE? (also see question #9) Dutch NIOD Report is not as objective as one might have expected it to be. NIOD Report was published by the Netherlands Institute for War Documentation. This is the document, commissioned by the Dutch government following criticism of the way its peacekeeping force in the Srebrenica behaved at the time of the massacre. [See: Srebrenica Massacre Lawsuit Against U.N. and Dutch Government http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/07/srebrenica-massacre-lawsuit-against.html ] Although the Dutch government refused to apologize for the failure of Dutchbat to prevent the Srebrenica massacre, the NIOD Report was the Netherlands's attempt to wash their hands of direct involvement in the Srebrenica massacre. The report is extremely biased in some parts, depending on the sources or references used. For example, Part II - Chapter 2 talks about "The history preceding the conflict in Eastern Bosnia up until the establishment of the Safe Area". By reading this part of the report, one can easily get the impression that Bosniaks constantly attacked Serb villages while Serbs were constantly defending themselves from Bosniaks. But since this report was Netherland's attempt to shift blame by virtues of 'moral equivalency', no wonder they came up with such grotesque claims. Earlier U.N. Report 53/35 concluded: Even though this accusation is often repeated by international sources, there is no credible evidence to support it. Dutchbat personnel on the ground at the time assessed that the few “raids” the Bosniaks mounted out of Srebrenica were of little or no military significance. These raids were often organized in order to gather food, as the Serbs had refused access for humanitarian convoys into the enclave. Even Serb sources approached in the context of this report acknowledged that the Bosniak forces in Srebrenica posed no significant military threat to them. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2005/12/un-report-fall-of-srebrenica-role-of.html The judgment in Naser Oric case clearly shows that surrounding Serb villages were used as bases to attack Srebrenica on a daily basis from day one: Between April 1992 and March 1993, Srebrenica town and the villages in the area held by Bosnian Muslims were constantly subjected to Serb military assaults, including artillery attacks, sniper fire, as well as occasional bombing from aircrafts. Each onslaught followed a similar pattern. Serb soldiers and paramilitaries surrounded a Bosnian Muslim village or hamlet, called upon the population to surrender their weapons, and then began with indiscriminate shelling and shooting. In most cases, they then entered the village or hamlet, expelled or killed the population, who offered no significant resistance, and destroyed their homes. During this period, Srebrenica was subjected to indiscriminate shelling from all directions on a daily basis. Potočari in particular was a daily target for Serb artillery and infantry because it was a sensitive point in the defence line around Srebrenica. Other Bosnian Muslim settlements were routinely attacked as well. All this resulted in a great number of refugees and casualties. (Naser Oric Judgement, pdf format, page 43-51) Serb forces continued to attack Srebrenica even after Srebrenica became a "Safe Heaven": Later, a Dutch battalion replaced the Canadian troops. The weapons of Bosnian Muslims were, at least to some extent, turned in or confiscated. Larger military operations by both Bosnian Muslims and Serbs were effectively brought to a halt. However, incidents of Serb military action continued to occur, causing casualtiesamong the Srebrenica population. (Naser Oric Judgement, pdf format, page 52-53) The genocide justifiers have consistently ignored the strong VRS military presence in some Bosnian Serb villages. For example, the village of Fakovici was used as a military outpost through which Bosnian Serb forces launched massive attacks on Bosniak civilians. [source]. Secondly, the Oric judgment found the presence of Serb military in several villages that the Bosniak forces launched an offensive on, including the presence of sophisticated weapons such as tanks, anti aircraft, rocket launchers etc. Therefore, putting the offensive actions against those specific villages where there was a VRS presence in much different light than the one purported by the genocide deniers. Human Rights Watch agrees: In fact, the Oric judgment confirms that there were Bosnian Serb military forces present in the village at the time of attack. In 1998, the wartime "New York Times" correspondent Chuck Sudetic wrote in his book on Srebrenica that, of forty-five Serbs who died in the Kravica attack, thirty-five were soldiers. Original Bosnian Serb army documents, according to the ICTY prosecutor and the Sarajevo-based Center for Research and Documentation of War Crimes, also indicate that thirty-five soldiers died. http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/07/12/serbia13761.htm The NIOD report cites too many biased Serb sources and even suggests that over 1,000 Serbs died around Srebrenica, which was proven to be false by the internationally sponsored Research and Documentation Center (RDC), which concluded that less than 400 Serbs died there, three quarters of them soldiers ( http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/05/myth-about-serb-casualties-around.html ). Manipulating the number of victims is a form of propaganda that in practice is very difficult to deal with. The Bosnian Government did the same in the 1990s, stating that over 200,000 people died. RDC has concluded that not more than 150,000 people died in Bosnia (and RDC's incomplete data as of today lists around 100,000 people http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/02/controversial-research-ads-insult-to.html ). Critics of the NIOD Report allege that the massive tome is full of inaccuracies and amounts to a whitewash designed to clear the Dutch of any wrongdoing. IWPR's piece, titled Controversial Srebrenica Report Back on Table (source), exposes flaws of NIOD Report: They [the critics] claim that the government-financed report now provides a “one-stop shop” of information for all sides if the conflict, because it was watered down too much for it to take a real position on anything. According to Jan Willem Honig, senior lecturer in war studies at London’s Kings College and co-author of the highly-praised “Srebrenica, Record of a War Crime”, the truth lies somewhere in between. Although he says the report “has an aura of independent academic research,” Honig is critical of its length, saying the sheer abundance of information makes it possible for anyone to pluck from it whatever they need to make their point. This, he says, is a liability because the report is not always consistent. “It's possible to draw different conclusions from the different parts in the book. Therefore one can imagine it is useful to both defence and prosecution,” he said. Honig said he found numerous errors in the report as well. For example, he said an explanatory map inserted as a graphic aid to explaining the Bosnian Serb battle plan does not correspond with the plan as described in the text. And neither the written description nor the map accurately describe the actual plan. Worse than the inaccuracies, according to Honig, is the fact that the report has no clear objective. “They [the researchers] should have considered better what they wanted to establish with the report. That might have saved thousands of pages. With its leisurely narrative approach they shot themselves in the foot. The project escaped their control; it became too big,” he said. Honig is not alone in criticising the report. Many readers have complained that the index is poorly organised and full of errors, particularly regarding peoples’ names. Even those who worked on the NIOD report have been critical of it. One of the nine NIOD-researchers, anthropologist Ger Duijzings recently told the Dutch newspaper "NRC Handelsblad", “Information from sources that I found unreliable, I found back in Part 1 [of the report] – used by [fellow-researcher] Bob de Graaf, if he thought it fitted in his argumentation.” The direct Dutch involvement in the Srebrenica massacre and subsequent shameful collaboration with Ratko Mladic's genocidal forces is one of the issues in the upcoming lawsuit against the Dutch government and the United Nations http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/07/srebrenica-massacre-lawsuit-against.html . Dutch forces have direct (although not primary) responsibility for the fall of Srebrenica and the subsequent massacre of over 8,000 Bosniaks. According to Hasan Nuhanovic, who survived the Srebrenica massacre, the NIOD Report has not determined the level of responsibility and guilt of the Dutch troops and officials for the genocide in Srebrenica [full text: http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/03/niod-report-hasan-nuhanovic.html ]. According to ambassador Arria, who initiated the visit of the UN Security Council delegation to Srebrenica in April 1993, and was at its head, described the situation in the enclave as "genocide in slow motion". [ http://www.sense-agency.com/en/stream.php?sta=3&pid=7307&kat=3 ] Shocking images of poverty, destruction, starvation and squalor were hidden from the public. As the Venezuelan ambassador testified, this was done with the collusion of the UNPROFOR troops deployed in the enclave declared a "protected area" a little while ago. Arria took the first photographs of the destruction of Srebrenica and its starving inhabitants. Those were the only photographs in existence at the time. He refused to hand over his camera to UN members. Ambassador Arria testified at the International Tribunal that the international community "did not move its little finger" to protect the Muslims in the enclave and "did not make it possible for them to defend themselves". He openly accusing the then UN Secretary General Boutros Ghali and his staff of withholding the reports about the real situation in Srebrenica and misinforming the Security Council. The report on the "humanitarian disaster in Srebrenica", Arria claims, appeared before the Security Council 12 days after the dramatic appeal by the then UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Sadako Ogata. There was a tendency in the Security Council, he said, to "morally equate the victims and the aggressor", thus avoiding the need to take action to prevent the humanitarian disaster. The Venezuelan diplomat claims that the blue helmets in the enclave did nothing to prevent the "gradual genocide". Quite the contrary, during the visit of the Security Council delegation to Srebrenica, the then UNPROFOR commander, Brigadier Hayes did all he could to prevent them from seeing the real situation and the truth about the area which had already been officially declared as "protected". As he said, the international community had been hoping, before the declaration of the safe haven, that the Serbs would overrun the enclave quickly, thereby "solving the problem". The defenders of Srebrenica, Arria contends, were a problem for the international community. It turned out that the UN-protected enclave was in fact a "scene set for genocide", Arria said, adding that today he was "sorry [he] proposed the establishment of the protected area together with the other representatives of the non-aligned countries in the Security Council".
Question (8) WHAT WERE THE UNITED NATIONS' CONCLUSIONS ABOUT THE ROLE OF BOSNIAK FORCES ON THE GROUND IN SREBRENICA? Here is what United Nations' General Assembly concluded [source], quote: 475. Criticisms have also been leveled at the Bosniaks in Srebrenica, among them that they did not fully demilitarize and that they did not do enough to defend the enclave. To a degree, these criticisms appear to be contradictory. Concerning the first criticism, it is right to note that the Bosnian Government had entered into demilitarization agreements with the Bosnian Serbs. They did this with the encouragement of the United Nations. While it is also true that the Bosnian fighters in Srebrenica did not fully demilitarize, they did demilitarize enough for UNPROFOR to issue a press release, on 21 April 1993, saying that the process had been a success. Specific instructions from United Nations Headquarters in New York stated that UNPROFOF should not be too zealous in searching for Bosniak weapons and, later, that the Serbs should withdraw their heavy weapons before the Bosniaks gave up their weapons. The Serbs never did withdraw their heavy weapons. 476. Concerning the accusation that the Bosniaks did not do enough to defend Srebrenica, military experts consulted in connection with this report were largely in agreement that the Bosniaks could not have defended Srebrenica for long in the face of a concerted attack supported by armour and artillery. The defenders were undisciplined, untrained, poorly armed, totally isolated force, lying prone in the crowded valley of Srebrenica. They were ill-equipped even to train themselves in the use of the few heavier weapons that had been smuggled to them by their authorities. After over three years of siege, the population was demoralized, afraid and often hungry. The only leader of stature was absent when the attack occurred. Surrounding them, controlling all the high ground, handsomely equipped with the heavy weapons and logistical train of the Yugoslav army, were the Bosnian Serbs. There was no contest. 477. Despite the odds against them, the Bosniaks requested UNPROFOR to return to them the weapons they had surrendered under the demilitarization agreements of 1993. They requested those weapons at the beginning of the Serb offensive, but the request was rejected by the UNPROFOR because, as one commander explained, “it was our responsibility to defend the enclave, not theirs.” Given the limited number and poor quality of Bosniak weapons held by UNPROFOR, it seems unlikely that releasing those weapons to the Bosniaks would have made a significant difference to the outcome of the battle; but the Bosniaks were under attack at that time, they wanted to resist with whatever means they could muster, and UNPROFOR denied them access to some of their own weapons. With the benefit of hindsight, this decision seems to be particularly ill-advised, given UNPROFOR’s own unwillingness consistently to advocate force as a means deterring attacks on the enclave. 478. Many have accused the Bosniak forces of withdrawing from the enclave as the Serb forces advanced on the day of its fall. However, it must be remembered that on the eve of the final Serb assault the Dutchbat commander urged the Bosniaks to withdraw from defensive positions south of Srebrenica town – the direction from which the Serbs were advancing. He did so because he believed that NATO aircraft would soon be launching widespread air strikes against the advancing Serbs. 479. A third accusation leveled at the Bosniak defenders of Srebrenica is that they provoked the Serb offensive by attacking out of that safe area. Even though this accusation is often repeated by international sources, there is no credible evidence to support it. Dutchbat personnel on the ground at the time assessed that the few “raids” the Bosniaks mounted out of Srebrenica were of little or no military significance. These raids were often organized in order to gather food, as the Serbs had refused access for humanitarian convoys into the enclave. Even Serb sources approached in the context of this report acknowledged that the Bosniak forces in Srebrenica posed no significant military threat to them. The biggest attack the Bosniaks launched out of Srebrenica during the more than two years which is was designated a safe area appears to have been the raid on the village of Visnjica, on 26 June 1995, in which several houses were burned, up to four Serbs were killed and approximately 100 sheep were stolen. In contrast, the Serbs overran the enclave two weeks later, driving tens of thousands from their homes, and summarily executing thousands of men and boys. The Serbs repeatedly exaggerated the extent of the raids out of Srebrenica as a pretext for the prosecution of a central war aim: to create geographically contiguous and ethnically pure territory along the Drina, while freeing their troops to fight in other parts of the country. The extent to which this pretext was accepted at face value by international actors and observers reflected the prism of “moral equivalency” through which the conflict in Bosnia was viewed by too many for too long. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2005/12/un-report-fall-of-srebrenica-role-of.html Question (9) WAS THE SREBRENICA MASSACRE 'RETALIATION' OF SERB FORCES FOR BOSNIAK ATTACKS ON SERB VILLAGES? (justification of massacre, also see question #6 & #10) Absolutely not. This claim is just one of many claims used by Serb apologists to justify massacre in Srebrenica. [See my response: Sick Reasoning (Justification of Massacre) http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/06/sick-reasoning-justification-of.html ] In fact, local Serb villages were used as bases to attack Srebrenica on a daily basis as I elaborated in my answers to questions #6 and #10. The U.N. Report 53/35 concluded: "Even though this accusation [that Srebrenica massacre was 'retaliation' of Serb forces for Bosniak attacks on Serb villages] is often repeated by international sources, there is no credible evidence to support it." http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2005/12/un-report-fall-of-srebrenica-role-of.html The genocide justifiers have consistently ignored the strong VRS military presence in some Bosnian Serb villages. For example, the village of Fakovici was used as a military outpost through which Bosnian Serb forces launched massive attacks on Bosniak civilians. [source]. Secondly, the Oric judgment found the presence of Serb military in several villages that the Bosniak forces launched an offensive on, including the presence of sophisticated weapons such as tanks, anti aircraft, rocket launchers etc. Therefore, putting the offensive actions against those specific villages where there was a VRS presence in much different light than the one purported by the genocide deniers. Human Rights Watch agrees: In fact, the Oric judgment confirms that there were Bosnian Serb military forces present in the village at the time of attack. In 1998, the wartime New York Times correspondent Chuck Sudetic wrote in his book on Srebrenica that, of forty-five Serbs who died in the Kravica attack, thirty-five were soldiers. Original Bosnian Serb army documents, according to the ICTY prosecutor and the Sarajevo-based Center for Research and Documentation of War Crimes, also indicate that thirty-five soldiers died. http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/07/12/serbia13761.htm
Question (6) SERBIAN MEDIA CLAIMED THAT FORCES UNDER THE COMMAND OF NASER ORIC KILLED OVER 3,000 SERB CIVILIANS AROUND SREBRENICA. WHAT ARE THE FACTS? With respect to Naser Oric's forces, they are held responsible for mistreatment of about 15 Serb captives (of which about 5 died in custody). Contrast that with large scale slaughters of over 8,000 Bosniaks in Srebrenica. The facts are that around 2,000 Serb civilians died in all of Bosnia (or 1,978 to be exact, respectively) - many of them from Bosnian Serb shells hitting besieged government-controlled cities. Research and Documentation Center (RDC) in Sarajevo, which includes joint Bosniak, Serb and Croat investigators, recently investigated number of alleged Serb casualties around Srebrenica and concluded that the alleged number of 3,287 Serb casualties in Central Podrinje is actually incorrect and nine to ten times lower than reported by the Serbian media. RDC closely works and aids ICTY Investigations and is funded by both international community and the joint government of Bosnia-Herzegovina (which is composed of Bosniak, Serb and Croat lawmakers). RDC concluded, quote: The allegations that Serb casualties in Bratunac, between April 1992 and December 1995 amount to over three thousand is an evident falsification of facts. The RDC research of the actual number of Serb victims in Bratunac has been the most extensive carried out in Bosnia and Herzegovina and proves that the overall number of victims is three to nine times smaller than indicated by Serbia and Montenegro. Perhaps the clearest illustration of gross exaggeration is that of Kravica, a Serb village near Bratunac attacked by the Bosnian Army on the morning of Orthodox Christmas, January 7, 1993 . The allegations that the attack resulted in hundreds of civilian victims have been shown to be false. Insight into the original documentation of the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) clearly shows that in fact military victims highly outnumber the civilian ones. The document entitled “Warpath of the Bratunac brigade”, puts the military victims at 35 killed and 36 wounded; the number of civilian victims of the attack is eleven. [Read full report here] Human Rights Watch agrees, quote: The ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party launched an aggressive campaign to prove that Muslims had committed crimes against thousands of Serbs in the area. The campaign was intended to diminish the significance of the July 1995 crime, and many in Serbia were willing to accept that version of history. But as the Oric judgment makes clear, the facts do not support the equivalence thesis. Take the events in the village of Kravica, on the Serb Orthodox Christmas on January 7, 1993, for example. The alleged killing of scores of Serbs and destruction of their houses in the village is frequently cited in Serbia as the key example of the heinous crimes committed by the Muslim forces around Srebrenica. In fact, the Oric judgment confirms that there were Bosnian Serb military forces present in the village at the time of attack. In 1998, the wartime New York Times correspondent Chuck Sudetic wrote in his book on Srebrenica that, of forty-five Serbs who died in the Kravica attack, thirty-five were soldiers. Original Bosnian Serb army documents, according to the ICTY prosecutor and the Sarajevo-based Center for Research and Documentation of War Crimes, also indicate that thirty-five soldiers died. The critics also invoke unreliable statistics. A spokesman for the ruling Democratic Party of Serbia in the wake of the Oric judgment, for example, claimed that “we have documents showing that 3,260 people were found dead around Srebrenica from 1992-1995.” However, the book Hronike nasih grobalja (Chronicles of Our Graveyards) by the Serb historian Milivoje Ivanisevic (the president of the Belgrade Centre for Investigating Crimes Committed against the Serbian People), uses the significantly lower figure, of “more than 1,000 persons [who] died,” and contains the list, mostly made of men of military age. Among those killed, there were evidently a significant number of Bosnian Serb soldiers who died in the fighting, like in Kravica. [source] For a list of killed Bosniaks in the Bratunac municipality, click here. Naser Oric was found not guilty of any direct involvement in the murders of about 5 and mistreatment of another 10 Serbs. He was also found not guilty for the "wanton destruction" of homes and property. But he was found guilty of failing to control and discipline men under his command. The incidents took place from December 1992 to March 1993 (before Srebrenica became "Safe Heaven"), when Serbian forces were ethnically cleansing, torturing, raping, and killing Bosniak population of Eastern Bosnia (See RDC). Contrast that with over 8,100 Bosniaks who were summarily executed by Serb forces under the command of war crimes fugitives Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. One cannot even compare the case of genocide with the individual incidents of war crimes, because Srebrenica Bosniaks were subjected to Genocide. It should also be noted that Naser Oric was not on trial for genocide, nor was he on trial for mass murder of Serb civilians. Many of the 52 witnesses that the prosecution called were members of the Bosnian Serb Army who participated in the seige and massacre of over 8,100 Srebrenica Bosniaks. The case is on appeal. The prosecution has also been accused of providing forged documents which three expert witnesess failed to authenticate, and has also been warned but not sancioned for witholding exculpatory evidence. The judges at one point attempted to reduce the time that defence witnesses were allowed to testify, until an appeals chamber overturned this decision. There was also outrage at the 18 year sentence that the prosecution has asked for. Drazen Erdemovic, was a Serb soldier serving in Srebrenica and although he confessed to killing 70 Bosniak civilians during the Srebrenica massacre he only received a 5 year sentance. The judges in Oric case described conditions in Srebrenica at the times of the crimes in 1992 and 1993 as abysmal. They noted that militarily superior Serb forces encircled the town and that there was an unmanageable influx of refugees there, as well as a critical shortage of food and the breakdown of law and order. Oric was given 2 year sentence and immediately released, because he already spent more than 3 years on trial. Consequently, the sentence imposed reflects this uniquely limited criminal responsibility." - concluded judges. [ICTY Press Release]. The genocide justifiers have consistently ignored the strong VRS military presence in some Bosnian Serb villages. For example, the village of Fakovici was used as a military outpost through which Bosnian Serb forces launched massive attacks on Bosniak civilians. [source]. Secondly, the Oric judgment found the presence of Serb military in several villages that the Bosniak forces launched an offensive on, including the presence of sophisticated weapons such as tanks, anti aircraft, rocket launchers etc. Therefore, putting the offensive actions against those specific villages where there was a VRS presence in much different light than the one purported by the genocide deniers. During the Bosnian war (1992-1995), Srebrenica was under constant siege by Bosnian Serb millitary; no food or medical supplies were allowed into the enclave. Apart from never ending starvation, the civilian population of Srebrenica was subjected to constant Bosnian Serb artillery attacks. The only way to survive was to counter-attack surrounding Bosnian Serb villages (which served as Bosnian Serb military bases) and search for food and other supplies. In fact, long before Naser Oric counter-attacked Bosnian Serb forces around Srebrenica, close to 90% of Bosniak population of Eastern Bosnia was ethnically cleansed by Bosnian Serb and Serbian military forces. From Simon Mardel, a WHO doctor who was based in Srebrenica at the time, wrote: People are completely trapped. The water supply from higher up the valley is now cut off. The present situation can only be described as an impending holocaust. [source] Here is a short excerpt from United Nations' General Assembly Resolution 53/35 that addresses issue of Naser Oric's raids [full text], quote: A third accusation leveled at the Bosniak defenders of Srebrenica is that they provoked the Serb offensive by attacking out of that safe area. Even though this accusation is often repeated by international sources, there is no credible evidence to support it. Dutchbat personnel on the ground at the time assessed that the few “raids” the Bosniaks mounted out of Srebrenica were of little or no military significance. These raids were often organized in order to gather food, as the Serbs had refused access for humanitarian convoys into the enclave. Even Serb sources approached in the context of this report acknowledged that the Bosniak forces in Srebrenica posed no significant military threat to them. The biggest attack the Bosniaks launched out of Srebrenica during the more than two years which is was designated a safe area appears to have been the raid on the village of Visnjica, on 26 June 1995, in which several houses were burned, up to four Serbs were killed and approximately 100 sheep were stolen. In contrast, the Serbs overran the enclave two weeks later, driving tens of thousands from their homes, and summarily executing thousands of men and boys. The Serbs repeatedly exaggerated the extent of the raids out of Srebrenica as a pretext for the prosecution of a central war aim: to create geographically contiguous and ethnically pure territory along the Drina, while freeing their troops to fight in other parts of the country. The extent to which this pretext was accepted at face value by international actors and observers reflected the prism of “moral equivalency” through which the conflict in Bosnia was viewed by too many for too long. Question (7) WAS WAR IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA, BETWEEN 1992-1995, A CIVIL WAR WHICH RESULTED IN SREBRENICA MASSACRE? War in Bosnia-Herzegovina cannot be characterized simply as 'civil war', as forces loyal to the Bosnian government were composed of members coming from all ethnic backgrounds. For example, high ranking Bosnian General, Jovan Divjak, was a Serb. He was one of Generals in charge of defending Sarajevo from Serbian attacks. The war in Bosnia-Herzegovina was a direct response to a full blown international attack on Bosnia-Herzegovina by neighboring Serbia. According to the statement by Chief UN War Crimes Prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, to the Security Council on June 7 2006, the Prosecution has proven an international armed conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina no less than five times, quote: The instrument of the adjudicated facts is therefore a key tool to reduce the scope of the trials. For instance, the Prosecution has proven an international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina no less than five times, wasting months and months on proving the same facts, sometimes with the same witnesses, in case after case. We have to prove it again, for the sixth time, in the on-going Prlic et al. trial. [read more] You can learn more by reading this article on our blog: War in Bosnia-Herzegovina was an International Conflict Between Bosnia, Serbia, and Croatia. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/07/international-conflict-in-bosnia.html
Question (4) WERE MEN AND BOYS ONLY VICTIMS OF SREBRENICA MASSACRE? No. It is estimated that hundreds of women and female children were raped during Srebrenica Massacre. The Serb troops abused women and even children who they had herded into makeshift enclosures. Due to cultural stigma attached to rape, many women refused to testify against the rapists. There were also reports of babies being taken away from their mothers and killed. Sabaheta Fejzic's testimony is a sad one. She witnessed Serb soldiers indiscriminately taking girls, boys, and men out of camp. They also took her husband and tore her baby son from her arms. She never saw either one of them again. According to the Secretary-General's Report, A/54/549, quote: 389. The same day, one of the Dutchbat soldiers, during his brief stay in Zagreb upon return from Serb-held territory, was quoted as telling a member of the press that "hunting season [is] in full swing... it is not only men supposedly belonging to the Bosnian Government who are targeted... women, including pregnant ones, children and old people aren't spared. Some are shot and wounded, others have had their ears cut off and some women have been raped. A Dutch Bat medical orderly witnessed a rape, quote: [W]e saw two Serb soldiers, one of them was standing guard and the other one was lying on the girl, with his pants off. And we saw a girl lying on the ground, on some kind of mattress. There was blood on the mattress, even she was covered with blood. She had bruises on her legs. There was even blood coming down her legs. She was in total shock. She went totally crazy. [See: Prosecutor vs. Krstic Judgement] As a result of exhaustive UN negotiations with Serb troops, 25,000 women were forcibly deported (ethnically cleansed) from Srebrenica. Had UN negotiations with Serb troops failed, most Srebrenica women would likely meet the fate of Srebrenica men and boys. Some busses never reached the safety. For example, according to the witness accounts given by Srebrenica Massacre survivor - Kadir Habibovic - who hid himself on one of the first buses taking women and children from the Dutch United Nations base in Potocari to government-held territory in Kladanj, "Habibovic saw at least one vehicle full of Muslim women being driven away from Bosnian government-held territory." [source] One of his captors at one point complained that they were not getting a good choice of the Muslim women from Srebrenica. Habibovic's account corroborates reports from refugees that many Srebrenica women were raped by Bosnian Serb soldiers. Habibovic said the men were taken to a remote location near Rasica Gai late in the evening. When the first group was taken from the truck and shot, he said he leapt from the truck and tumbled down a nearby slope. Gunfire from the soldiers missed him and he escaped. He later heard a large amount of gunfire, which he believes were the other prisoners being killed. He reached government-held territory on Aug 20, with his wounds still fresh. Hague officials say that the tribunal's progress in dealing with rape has come from three factors - the courage of the victims and witnesses who testified, the tenacity of the prosecuting lawyers, and the years of tireless lobbying by pressure groups. The breakthrough came when prosecutors established that these rapes were entirely foreseeable. Judges agreed that the generals in charge should have reasonably predicted that, under these conditions, the sexual assaults were likely. It was concluded that any rapes that took place in Srebrenica were therefore the fault of the commanders. Hague officials say that the tribunal's progress in dealing with rape has come from three factors - the courage of the victims and witnesses who testified, the tenacity of the prosecuting lawyers, and the years of tireless lobbying by pressure groups. Here are some excerpts from the ICTY's (International Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia) 260 page-rulling in the case of Prosecutor vs. Krstic which resulted in Srebrenica genocide verdict: 43. Killings occurred. In the late morning of 12 July 1995, a witness saw a pile of 20 to 30 bodies heaped up behind the Transport Building in Potocari, alongside a tractor-like machine. Another testified that, at around 1200 hours on 12 July, he saw a soldier slay a child with a knife in the middle of a crowd of expellees. He also said that he saw Serb soldiers execute more than a hundred Bosnian Muslim men in the area behind the Zinc Factory and then load their bodies onto a truck, although the number and methodical nature of the murders attested to by this witness stand in contrast to other evidence on the Trial Record that indicates that the killings in Potocari were sporadic in nature. 44. As evening fell, the terror deepened. Screams, gunshots and other frightening noises were audible throughout the night and no one could sleep. Soldiers were picking people out of the crowd and taking them away: some returned; others did not. Witness T recounted how three brothers – one merely a child and the others in their teens – were taken out in the night. When the boys’ mother went looking for them, she found them with their throats slit. 46. Bosnian Muslim refugees nearby could see the rape, but could do nothing about it becauseof Serb soldiers standing nearby. Other people heard women screaming, or saw women being dragged away. Several individuals were so terrified that they committed suicide by hanging themselves. Throughout the night and early the next morning, stories about the rapes and killings spread through the crowd and the terror in the camp escalated. 150. On 12 and 13 July 1995, upon the arrival of Serb forces in Potocari, the Bosnian Muslim refugees taking shelter in and around the compound were subjected to a terror campaign comprised of threats, insults, looting and burning of nearby houses, beatings, rapes, and murders. 517. More significantly, rapes and killings were reported by credible witnesses and some committed suicide out of terror. The entire situation in Potocari has been depicted as a campaign of terror. As an ultimate suffering, some women about to board the buses had their young sons dragged away from them, never to be seen again. Read more: Women & Srebrenica Massacre. Question (5) WHY DO SREBRENICA MASSACRE REVISIONISTS AND SREBRENICA GENOCIDE DENIERS MINIMIZE NUMBERS OF KILLED BOSNIAKS IN SREBRENICA? Ask yourself: Why do Holocaust revisionists deny Holocaust? Why are 9/11 attacks on America target of conspiracy theories, revisionism and denials? When it comes to Srebrenica massacre, consider Ed Herman, for example. Of Herman’s many dubious and outright false assertions about Srebrenica, one of the most contemptible is his attempt to make disappear from history the roughly 8000 Bosnian civilians massacred by Serbian forces. Some of his mystification is couched in slippery deniability, in a half-hearted attempt to deflect the criticism he deserves. But taken together, his comments comprise a clear endeavor at war-crimes denial. (1) Herman is perturbed that the estimated number of victims has stayed relatively constant around 8000. (2) But this estimate has been documented in detail by several independent sources and has been accepted widely, from the corporate media to such progressive reporters as Amy Goodman of “Democracy Now” (Srebrenica 10th anniversary report, July 11, 2005). Though Herman uses misleading and out-of-date reports to cast doubt on the credibility of the lists of missing, he ignores the detailed documentation of the lists from several sources. The credibility of the lists deserves particular attention in rebuttal to Herman. On June 5, 2005 Bosnia's Federal Commission for Missing Persons (Federalna Komisija za nestale osobe) issued a list of the names, parents' names, dates of birth, and unique citizen's registration numbers of 8,106 individuals who have been reliably established, from multiple independent sources, to have gone missing and/or been killed in and around Srebrenica in the summer of 1995. The Federal Commission's list was made public early in June. (3) A verification process is underway for approximately 500 more victims whose disappearance or death has not yet been verified from two or more independent sources. Relatives and friends have registered a total of 7,789 names of people missing or known to be dead from the July 1995 events at Srebrenica with another reporting body, the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP). In addition, the International Committee of the Red Cross has compiled its own list, based on inquiries from friends and relatives. (The ICRC list is slightly shorter because it allows only those reported by relatives. Where entire families were wiped out, the ICRC does not accept reports from friends or neighbors.) The ICRC states that there are still 5500 missing persons from Srebrenica, in addition to the 2000+ identified dead. (July 2005). Another list appears as an annex to the Republika Srpska Srebrenica Commission's June 2004 report. It should also be kept in mind that names appear on the missing-persons lists as a result of active inquiries from relatives and others close to the missing/deceased individuals in question. In addition to these names there are other individuals who were among the dead and missing in July 1995 but do not appear on any lists because they had no close friends or relatives there to inquire after them - including cases where whole families (or whole village populations) were killed. For one of numerous reports on the difficulties faced by forensic investigators in attempting to identify some of the recovered bodies, see Srebrenica: ten years on, by Ed Vulliamy, July 6, 2005. That sort of information should be posted on ZNet as a counter-balance to Herman’s ridiculous denials. Apparently Herman has never been to Bosnia, so he thinks he is able to preserve his ability to look at the issues with “objectivity,” unlike the surviving victims of the massacre. But his selective reliance on Serbian nationalists, right-wing Republicans, and a handful of leftist ideologues produces historical revisionism that disgraces Z Magazine. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- (1) Herman’s denial of the magnitude of the massacre, excerpts: > … there is a major issue of how many were executed, as numerous bodies found in local grave sites were victims of fighting, and many Bosnian Muslim men who fled Srebrenica reached Bosnian Muslim territory safely. > … the evidence for a massacre, certainly of one in which 8,000 men and boys were executed, has always been problematic, to say the least … > There are also lists of missing, but these lists are badly flawed, with duplications, individuals listed who had died before July 1995, who fled to avoid BSA service, or who registered to vote in 1997, and they include individuals who died in battle or reached safety or were captured and assumed a new existence elsewhere. > The 8,000 figure is also incompatible with the basic arithmetic of Srebrenica numbers before and after July 1995. (2) Herman on the list of dead and missing persons, excerpts: > One anomaly connected with Srebrenica has been the stability of the figure of Bosnian Muslim victims-8,000 in July 1995 and 8,000 today, despite the crudity of the initial estimate, the evidence that many or most of the 5,000 "missing" reached Bosnian Muslim territory or were killed in the fighting, and the clear failure to produce supportive physical evidence despite a massive effort. In other cases, like the 9/11 fatality estimate, and even the Bosnian killings and Kosovo bombing war estimates, the original figures were radically scaled down as evidence of body counts made the earlier inflated numbers unsustainable. [49] > But the link of this propaganda triumph to truth and justice is non-existent. The disconnection with truth is epitomized by the fact that the original estimate of 8,000, including 5,000 "missing"--who had left Srebrenica for Bosnian Muslim lines-was maintained even after it had been quickly established that several thousand had reached those lines and that several thousand more had perished in battle. This nice round number lives on today in the face of a failure to find the executed bodies and despite the absence of a single satellite photo showing executions, bodies, digging, or trucks transporting bodies for reburial. (3) As an alternative to Herman’s make-believe denials, readers might be interested in a couple of documents with much detail about the massacre: - Srebrenica Investigation: Summary of Forensic Evidence – Execution Points and Mass Graves http://www.domovina.net/archive/2000/20000516_manning.pdf - Dean Manning witness statement on Srebrenica in Milosevic trial http://www.domovina.net/archive/2003/20031124_manning.pdf
http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/07/srebrenica-massacre-answers-revised_10.html Question (2) WHAT IS SREBRENICA GENOCIDE DENIAL AND REVISIONISM? Srebrenica Genocide denial, also called Srebrenica Genocide revisionism, is the belief that the Srebrenica genocide did not occur, or, more specifically: that far fewer than around 8,100 Srebrenica Bosniaks were killed by the Bosnian Serb Army (numbers below 5,000, most often around 2,000 are typically cited); that there never was a centrally-planned Bosnian Serb Army's attempt to exterminate the Bosniaks of Srebrenica; and/or that there were no mass killings at the extermination sites. Those who hold this position often further claim that Bosniaks and/or Western media know that the Srebrenica genocide never occurred, yet that they are engaged in a massive conspiracy to maintain the illusion of a Srebrenica Genocide to further their political agenda. These views are not accepted as credible by objective historians. Srebrenica genocide deniers almost always prefer to be called Srebrenica Genocide revisionists. Most scholars contend that the latter term is misleading. Historical revisionism is a well-accepted part of the study of history; it is the reexamination of historical facts, with an eye towards updating histories with newly discovered, more accurate, or less biased information. The implication is that history as it has been traditionally told may not be entirely accurate. The term historical revisionism has a second meaning, the illegitimate manipulation of history for political purposes. For example, Srebrenica Genocide deniers (or Srebrenica Genocide revisionists as they like to be called) typically willfully misuse or ignore historical records in order to attempt to prove their conclusions. While historical revisionism is the re-examination of accepted history, with an eye towards updating it with newly discovered, more accurate, and less-biased information, Srebrenica Genocide deniers/revisionists have been using it to seek evidence in support of their own preconceived theory, omitting substantial facts. Most Srebrenica Genocide deniers reject the term Genocide and insist that they do not deny the Srebrenica Massacre, prefering to be called "revisionists". They are nevertheless commonly labeled as Srebrenica Genocide deniers to differentiate them from historical revisionists and because their goal is to deny the existance of the Srebrenica Genocide, by omitting substantial facts, rather than honestly using historical evidence and methodology to examine the event. Question (3) HOW MANY BOSNIAKS DIED DURING SREBRENICA MASSACRE? On June 5, 2005 Bosnia's Federal Commission for Missing Persons (Federalna Komisija za nestale osobe) issued a list of the names, parents' names, dates of birth, and unique citizen's registration numbers of 8,106 individuals who have been reliably established, from multiple independent sources, to have gone missing and/or been killed in and around Srebrenica in the summer of 1995. The Federal Commission's list was made public early in June. A verification process is underway for approximately 500 more victims whose disappearance or death has not yet been verified from two or more independent sources. Updated info: A marble stone (photo) at the Srebrenica Genocide Memorial Center Potocari is engraved with 8,370 names of Srebrenica victims (info as of July 6th, 2006). The major challenge in Bosnia is the identification of the victims of the 1995 Srebrenica massacre where over 8,000 Bosniak men and boys, including preteen children and babies, were slaughtered after Bosnian Serb forces overran the UN-run enclave. Their bodies had initially been buried in a dozen of mass graves, but Bosnian Serbs moved them later by buldozers to a number of other locations in order to cover up their crime. Their body parts were separated, and forensic experts have sometimes found parts of a single victim buried in three different mass graves. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/07/srebrenica-massacre-answers-revised_10.html
http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/07/srebrenica-massacre-answers-revised_10.html THE SREBRENICA MASSACRE --QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS (1) What is Srebrenica Massacre / Srebrenica Genocide? (2) What is Srebrenica Genocide denial and revisionism? (3) How many Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) died during Srebrenica Massacre? (4) Were men and boys only victims of Srebrenica Massacre? (5) Why do Srebrenica Massacre revisionists and Srebrenica Genocide deniers minimize numbers of killed Bosniaks in Srebrenica? (6) Milosevic media claimed that forces under the command of Naser Oric killed over 3,000 Serb civilians around Srebrenica. What are the facts? (7) Was war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, between 1992-1995, a civil war which resulted in Srebrenica Massacre? (8) What were the United Nations' conclusions about the role of Bosniak forces on the ground in Srebrenica? (9) Was Srebrenica Massacre retaliation of Serb forces for Bosniak attacks on surrounding Serb villages? (justification of massacre, also see questions 6 & 10) (10) Was Netherland's NIOD Report flawed with respect to events leading to Srebrenica Massacre? (11) Will Serbian masterminds of Srebrenica Massacre, Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, ever be brought to justice? (12) Did the Bosniaks bombed themselves to force NATO stop Serbian attacks on Sarajevo, Srebrenica, Gorazde, and other cities under siege? ......................................................................................................................................... Bosniak child being led away and killed during Srebrenica massacre. (Never Forget 7/11/1995 - Srebrenica Genocide)LITTLE KNOWN FACT: Did you know? The Serbs never demilitarized around Srebrenica. The Bosnian Government had entered into demilitarization agreements with the Bosnian Serbs. On 21 April 1993, the UNPROFOR issued press release saying that the process of demilitarization of Bosnian defenders of Srebrenica had been a success. According to the Agreement, the Serbs should withdraw their heavy weapons before the Bosniaks gave up their weapons. The Serbs refused to demilitarize. They never honored their part of agreement. Instead, Serb military and paramilitary troops continued using surrounding Serb villages as a base for attacks on (and brutal siege of) Srebrenica. ......................................................................................................................................... Question (1) WHAT IS SREBRENICA MASSACRE / SREBRENICA GENOCIDE ? Srebrenica massacre is the first legally established case of genocide in Europe after the Holocaust. It is considered the largest mass murder in Europe since the World War II and one of the most horrific events in recent European history. The slaughter of Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) at Srebrenica is recognized as the gravest atrocity to take place in Europe since the Nazi genocide. The International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia has ruled the Srebrenica Massacre officialy a Genocide. Over 8,100 Bosniaks died in the Srebrenica massacre, mostly men and boys, ranging in age from babies to the elderly. Bosnian Serb General Ratko Mladic and the political leader of Bosnian Serbs Radovan Karadzic have both been indicted for genocide, crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs of war at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Both of them are still at large. So far, two people have been convicted for Srebrenica genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal, Serb general Radislav Krstic and Serb Colonel Vidoje Blagojevic. Seven more individuals have been recently put on trial at the Hague and they are: Vujadin Popovic, Ljubisa Beara, Drago Nikolic, Ljubomir Borovcanin, Vinko Pandurevic, Radivoje Miletic and Milan Gvero; Zdravko Tolimir is still at large. Eleven more individuals are on trial in Bosnia-Herzegovina and they are: Milos Stupar, Milenko Trifunovic, Petar Mitrovic, Aleksandar Radovanovic, Miladin Stevanovic, Brano Dzinic, Slobodan Jakovljevic, Branislav Medan, Dragisa Zivanovica, Velibor Maksimovic, and Milovan Matic. In 2001, Radislav Krstic, a Serb commander who had led the assault on Srebrenica alongside Mladic, was sentenced to 46 years in prison. On August 15 2001, Radislav Krstic filed a notice of appeal against the Trial Chamber judgement. The Appeal's Chamber cut his sentence by 11 years and reaffirmed that the Srebrenica massacre was indeed an act of Genocide. In a landmark ruling, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia widened the definition of genocide when it found Bosnian Serb General Radislav Krstic guilty of “aiding and abetting genocide” for his role in the systematic murders of Bosniak men and boys (children) in Srebrenica in July 1995. The Krstic ruling expanded the legal definition of genocide to cover mass killing on the basis of gender. While the defence argued that “the VRS decision to transfer, rather than to kill, the women and children of Srebrenica... undermines the finding of genocidal intent”, in its final judgement the Appeals Chamber found that proof of intent to commit genocide by destroying the group physically or biologically was met “by the disastrous consequences for the family structures on which the Srebrenica part of the Bosnian Muslim group was based”. Rapes of women and slaughter of children were graphically described in Prosecutor vs. Krstic judgement, read excerpts here. Vidoje Blagojevic was another person to be convicted on Srebrenica Genocide charges and other human rights violations. He was sentenced to eighteen years in prison. His case is currently on appeal. On November 10, 2004, the government of Republika Srpska issued an official apology. The statement came after government review of the Srebrenica committee's report. "The report makes it clear that enormous crimes were committed in the area of Srebrenica in July 1995," the Bosnian Serb government said. A Serb commission's final report on the 1995 Srebrenica massacre acknowledged that the mass murder of Bosniak men and boys by Bosnian Serb forces was planned. The report recognized and gave details of the pre-planned murders. On June 27, 2005, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution (H. Res. 199 sponsored by Congressman Christopher Smith and Congressman Benjamin Cardin) commemorating the 10th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide. The resolution was passed with overwhelming majority of 370 - YES votes, 1 - NO vote, and 62 - ABSENT . http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/07/srebrenica-massacre-answers-revised_10.html
But just, who is Gen. Lewis MacKenzie? To answer that question, one must go back to 1992. In December - same year - the chief Bosnian military prosecutor in Sarajevo, Mustafa Bišić, formally charged Gen. Lewis MacKenzie with sexual misconduct against civilians while on duty in Bosnia, and requested that the UN revoke his displomatic immunity. MacKenzie was accused of raping several Bosnian women being held captive in a Serbian prison camp, as a "gift" from Serbian officials. The victims were later executed by Serbian soldiers, allegedly to 'erase evidence'. Here is an archived version of investigative article published on June 4th, 1993 by Pacific News Services. COPYRIGHT PACIFIC NEWS SERVICE 450 Mission Street, Room 506 San Francisco, CA 94105 415-243-4364 ANSWERS NEEDED TO CHARGES OF UN MISCONDUCT IN BOSNIA EDITOR'S NOTE: For half a year charges of sexual misconduct filed by a Sarajevo prosecutor against a high UN official have been circulating widely in Arab, European and Canadian media, and in UN and human rights circles in New York. While the official named denied the charges, to date there has been no formal acknowledgement let alone inquiry into them, raising troubling questions for some about who polices the peacekeepers. PNS associate editor Dennis Bernstein is an award-winning investigative reporter. Bernstein's research was funded in part by the Washington, D.C. based Fund for Investigative Journalism. By: Dennis Bernstein, Pacific News Service Date: 06/04/1993 Last November the chief Bosnian military prosecutor in Sarajevo charged a high UN official with sexual misconduct against civilians while on duty in Bosnia. The prosecutor publicly demanded that the Bosnian president press the United Nations to remove the official's diplomatic immunity. Although reports of the alleged war crimes have appeared in the Arab, European and Canadian press, have been circulating in UN circles and even surfaced in a briefing for U.S. Congressional aides by a human rights group, there has as yet been no formal response from the UN. While the official has denied the charges, those attempting to investigate them -- journalists, human rights advocates, foreign policyanalysts, and at least one U.S. legislator, not to mention Bosnian officials and Sarajevans themselves -- believe they raise troubling questions about the overall accountability of the UN: just who is policing the peacekeepers? Some months after he unexpectedly stepped down from his assignment last August, General Lewis MacKenzie, Canadian head of the UN peacekeeping force in Bosnia Herzegovina, was charged in a bill of indictment by chief military prosecutor Mustafa Bišić with sexually molesting four Bosnian Muslim [Bosniak] women held by Serbian forces in a prison camp in a Sarajevo suburb. In a letter to the Bosnian president dated Dec. 3, 1992, Bišić cited the eyewitness testimony of a Serbian guard who had worked at the camp, known as Kod Sonje. The guard claimed he saw MacKenzie and several escorts arrive in a military transport vehicle with the UN insignia. The eyewitness claimed guards were then ordered to release four Bosnian Muslim women prisoners to MacKenzie. According to the prosecutor's complaint, the women were later murdered by camp guards under orders to "erase evidence" of this "unusual gift." The prosecutor's charges, aired over Sarajevo television, were denounced by MacKenzie in several interviews with European and Canadian media as a propaganda tactic by one side in the three-sidedcivil war to gain international sympathy. "I can understand why they (Bosnian officials) would do something like that," the former UN peacekeeper told the "Vancouver Sun" in an interview published Feb. 13. "If I had been in their position and found that the peace-keeping force was not what I wanted, I can envision my devious mind working out a story to discredit them." Nevertheless, in February new information about the possible existence of a videotape placing MacKenzie at the Kod Sonje camp helped refocus attention to the charges. In an interview with Pacific News Service, U.S. Congresswoman Louise M. Slaughter (D-NY) says she is "very concerned" about the charges and has informed U.S. ambassador to the UN Madeline Albright that her office "is trying to ferret them out as best we can." Slaughter learned about the videotape from Safeta Ovčina, a Bosnian nurse who testified at a special briefing conducted by Helsinki Watch for Congressional staffers. The briefing was held February 23 amid growing concern in the West over media accounts of mass rapes of Bosnian Muslim women by Serbian soldiers. Ovcina, who spent ten months tending war victims at a frontline hospital before fleeing Sarajevo for the United States, testified she had been shown the videotape by her neighbors whom she described as members of the Bosnian military. "I looked at the tape and saw General MacKenzie, whom we always saw on TV news, with Serb chetniks. There were three or four girls on both sides of him... MacKenzie was hugging them." In a telephone interview with Pacific News Service at her home in St. Louis, Ovcina says she recognized some of the young women as formerly involved in a hair cutting business. "They didn't laugh, theydidn't cry, they just sat there...The feeling I had is that they were surrounded by a bunch of drunken people, and they were very unhappy," she recalled. Ovcina says her neighbors told her the women were later killed and buried in a grave on the outskirts of Sarajevo. In her testimony at the Helsinki Watch briefing, she also described witnessing other abuses and indiscretions by UN personnel, including the selling of protection, food, cigarettes. Bosnian officials in the United States interviewed by Pacific News Service say they do not know the whereabouts of the videotape nor do they have any verification that it exists. Although the allegations are now widely accepted as truth in Sarajevo, according to Bosnian Ambassador to the UN Muhamed Sacirbey, at this point "there is no proof to justify them." Interviewed by phone from New York, Sacirbey said his government had not formally challenged General MacKenzie's diplomatic immunity at the UN. Another eyewitness to the alleged Kod Sonje incident is Borislav Herak, a Serbian soldier captured by Bosnian forces in early November and now awaiting execution for war crimes. Herak was interviewed on film by award winning Bosnian film maker and TV producer Ademir Kenovic several days after his arrest. According to a transcript of the interview provided by Kenovic, Herak said he was at the camp when MacKenzie arrived in a white UN vehicle and met with the camp warden Miro Vukovic. He was then taken to a room "for big shots" where he was served whiskey and food. Later, Herak said he saw MacKenzie and several other UN soldiers "taking four or five girls in this vehicle to have fun." Asked if he were certain it was General MacKenzie, Herak replied, "Yes, I am sure. I saw him on television." To date, General MacKenzie has not been questioned by U.S. media about the charges and repeated phone calls to him by Pacific News Service in Washington DC were not returned. Congresswoman Slaughter says while she doesn't want to spread "what could be a smear campaign," she considers the allegations serious enough to warrant investigation. If proven true, they couldundermine the UN's entire peacekeeping mandate. "But I don't know who is authorized to handle such an investigation," she added. Slaughter was especially troubled to learn that twice when he visited Washington last May, General MacKenzie was represented by the public relations firm of Craig Shirley and Associates which is closely identified with the Serbian government. The firm also represents Serb-Net Inc., a Chicago-based association of Serbian American organizations which a spokesperson says "works to counter the negative press images about Serbia." (06/04/1993) Related reading material suggested by our readers: "I Begged Them to Kill Me" - published by the Center for Investigation and Documentation of the Association of Former Prison Camp Inmates of Bosnia-Herzegovina; pages 183-189. Chapter: An Officer with a Rose. THE SREBRENICA GENOCIDE IS NOT A MATTER OF ANYBODY'S OPINION; IT'S A JUDICIAL FACT RECOGNIZED FIRST BY THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA AND SUBSEQUENTLY BY THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE.
https://docs.google.com/Doc?docid=0AYwWndJ7NAlXZGhuNWRiNnFfMjQwZzc3aGgzY3A&hl=fr General Lewis Mackenzie - Paid Serbian Lobbyist and Outspoken Srebrenica Genocide Denier Srebrenica Genocide Blog, 21 August, 2006 Gen. Lewis MacKenzie, the [Canadian] former commander of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in Bosnia is an outspoken Srebrenica genocide denier. He portrays himself as an expert on Srebrenica who can rule on genocide issues, even though he has no legal background and he has never visited Srebrenica in his life. On July 14, 2005 edition of Canada's "The Globe and Mail", under "The Real Story Behind Srebrenica", this is what he stated (quote): Quote: "Evidence given at The Hague war crimes tribunal casts serious doubt on the figure of 'up to' 8,000 Bosnian Muslims massacred. That figure includes 'up to' 5,000 who have been classified as missing. More than 2,000 bodies have been recovered in and around Srebrenica, and they include victims of the three years of intense fighting in the area. The math just doesn't support the scale of 8,000 killed.... It's a distasteful point, but it has to be said that, if you're committing genocide, you don't let the women go since they are key to perpetuating the very group you are trying to eliminate. Many of the men and boys were executed and burried in mass graves Little did he know: The Srebrenica genocide is not a matter of anybody's opinion; it's a judicial fact. The Srebrenica massacre has been ruled a genocide first by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia at the Hague and subsequently by the International Court of Justice. As an alternative to Lewis Mackenzie's make-believe denials, read Facts: 8,106 killed in Srebrenica Genocide. http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/01/facts-8106-killed-in-srebrenica.html While it is difficult to ascertain exactly how much has been directed towards payment for speakers and journalists, the SUC [Serbian Unity Congress] and Serbnet have set up a special fund for this purpose. Based on former UN General Lewis MacKenzie's own admission which was later corroborated by Serbnet -- that he was receiving over $15,000 per speaking engagement -- the amount spent on MacKenzie represents more than what the SUC is paying to PR firms such as Manatos and Manatos, Inc. (source) http://www.freeserbia.net/Documents/Lobby.html. The Serbian propaganda campaign employs methods similar to Holocaust denial and revisionism. Their first line of action is to create an atmosphere of relativism. The second line of action is then to deny the totality of the destruction in order to downplay the purpose and systematic nature of the aggression. The third line of action is then to create their own 'facts' and 'references' and it is here where they have been most successful. The SUC [Serbian Unity Congress] has used public relations firms (Manatos and Manatos, McDermott O'Neill and Associates, David Keene and Associates), in order to grant their leaders and paid representatives access to television and radio interviews, congressional sub-committee hearings and U.N. sponsored commissions. These congressional hearings, interviews and official reports are then used as references, which lend legitimacy to their position. For example, the Serbnet speeches made by former UN General Lewis MacKenzie on his speaker-tour are frequently advertised, as are the articles of Sir Alfred Sherman which appeared in the British press.
http://www.bosniak.org/statement-by-zeljko-milicevic-on-his-lawsuit-against-canada-for-its-role-in-war-in-bosnia-and-herzegovina/ Statement by Željko Milićević on his lawsuit against Canada for its role in war in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 9, 2010 Zeljko Milicevic [a Catholic] filed a lawsuit against Canada for its role in Bosnia and Herzegovina war for the period from 1992 until 1995 [the then Prime Minister Brian Mulroney was married to a Bosnian Serb and was a de facto accomplice of the Serb policy of conquest and extermination against the state of Bosnia-Herzegovina]. The following is a statement by Mr. Milićević regarding the lawsuit: "Bosnia and Herzegovina has survived centuries of injustice, and crimes committed against her and her people. I am a living witness to some of the most extraordinary and cruel crimes which were committed against her. "For a period of time I participated in spreading the truth about war and genocide in Bosnia and fought for justice for Bosnian people. I contributed to pro-Bosnian media and provided record of past co-existence of peoples of all religious beliefs so that we do not forget that we, at one time, could live and work together. "I have come to realize that simply writing about past or present life in Bosnia and Herzegovina is not going to bring about the necessary change in terms of establishing the only truth and justice which is critical to providing for catharsis of those who have sinned, and, on the other hand, to give the victims the inalienable rights to receive the needed apology in order to forgive. "In order to obtain justice in response to the heinous crimes committed against Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Bosniak people in general, I have decided to take Canada and those for whom I believe are guilty into the courtroom, right here in the capital city of Canada. "Substantial evidence about their complicity in the crime of genocide against Bosnia and Herzegovina and against Bosniaks exists in the public domain. Substantial evidence of their complicity exists in the domain which is hidden from the public at large. That evidence, however, is accessible to the Federal Court of Canada, which is the institution I have entrusted my legal case to. This legal claim is about fundamental justice, for Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as for Canada. Željko Milićević Ottawa, July 6, 2010 Željko Milićević's lawsuit against Canada: http://www.scribd.com/doc/34037669/MilicevicVsCanada
Radovan Karadžić did not care. To conceal the Genocide in Progress, Radovan Karadžić issued the so-called « Declaration of the RS Civilian Affairs Committee for Srebrenica (No. 07-27/95, dated 17 July 1995 http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/12/karadzic-offered-false-safety.html) » offering false safety guarantees to the people of Srebrenica for the purpose of his well-planned PR campaign. Genocide deniers frequently cite the above document as a ‘proof' that former Bosnian Serb leader, Radovan Karadžić guaranteed the safety to the residents of Srebrenica.’ However, the facts tell a different story. Here is what the judges concluded in the Miroslav Deronjić case in relation to the above-signed document by Radovan Karadžić: « Another example of [Srebrenica] revisionism is the 'Declaration of the Republika Srpska Civilian Affairs Committee for Srebrenica' No. 07-27/95, dated 17 July 1995, which was signed by the Accused in this case, Miroslav Deronjić, Civil Affairs Commissioner for Srebrenica, Nesib Mandžić, Representative of the Civilian Authorities of the Enclave of Srebrenica, and Major Franken, an UPROFOR Representative, Dutch Battalion Commander, at the time. « This document in its operative part states that : ‘- the civilian population can remain in the enclave or evacuate, dependant upon the wish of each individual ‘- in the event that we wish to evacuate it is possible for us to choose the direction of our movement and have decided that the entirepopulation is to evacuate to the territory of the County of Kladanj; ‘- It has been agreed that the evacuation is to be carried out by the Army and Police of the Republic of Srpska, supervised and escorted by UNPROFOR. ‘[…] During the evacuation there were no incidents on either of the sides and the Serb side has adhered to all the regulations of Geneva Conventions and the international war law, as far as convoys actually escorted by UN forces are concerned.’ « The Trial Chamber accepts the submission by the Prosecution that Miroslav Deronjić with the encouragement of Radovan Karadžić prepared this document, whose 'contents [according to the Accused] did not correspond with the truth' « and that it was done in order 'to mislead the international community'. « Consequently, the Trial Chamber agrees that the Accused’s admission is important for two reasons: 1) '[it is] important to defuse any suggestion in trials that are ongoing or will be coming up in the future about Srebrenica that the Bosnian Muslims left the enclave because of their own free will' « and 2) '[it is] important to negate the arguments of future revisionists that might use this document for the proposition that the forcible displacement of the Bosniaks from Srebrenica was a mere humanitarian evacuation conducted in accordance with the principles of international law.' » http://www.icty.org/x/cases/deronjic/tjug/en/sj-040330e.pdf According to the Krstić Appeals Judgment, "By seeking to eliminate a part of the Bosnian Muslims, the Bosnian Serb forces committed genocide. They targeted for extinction the forty thousand [40,000] Bosnian Muslims living in Srebrenica. http://www.icty.org/sid/8409 IN CONCLUSION: Despite all the evidence against him, Karadžić continues to deny charges against him. In his sick twisted mind, he did nothing wrong. He has managed to convince himself that "he" is the real victim in all of this - a victim of the Western conspiracy against the Serbs. Karadžić demonizes his victims. For him, there was no Srebrenica genocide, there was no siege of Sarajevo, there were no Prijedor concentration camps. Karadžić still lives in his own world of denial, just as the Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel described him, "No point in arguing - the pigheaded Karadžić denied it all." http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2008/08/holocaust-survivor-elie-wiesel.html * * * * * Related Research: CIA Transcripts on General Ratko Mladić http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2006/01/cia-transcripts-on-Mladić.html
In March 1995, Radovan Karadžic issued a directive (“Directive No. 7”) to the Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) concerning the long-term strategy of their forces around the enclave. Karadžić's directive specified that the Bosnian Serb Army was to: “Complete the physical separation of Srebrenica from Žepa as soon as possible, preventing even communication between individuals in the two enclaves. By planned and well-thought out combat operations, create an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival or life for the inhabitants of Srebrenica." As set down in the directive, the humanitarian situation deteriorated to a catastrophic level. On the basis of Directive No. 7, on 31 March 1995, the VRS Main Staff issued Directive No. 7.1., signed by General Ratko Mladić, Karadžić's right-hand man. It directed the Drina Corps to, inter alia, conduct “active combat operations … around the enclaves” (including the other nearby safe-areas of Žepa and Goražde). As a consequence, Bosnian Serb forces captured an UNPROFOR observation post in the southeast corner of the Srebrenica enclave. In response to this aggression, a raiding party of Bosniaks attacked the nearby Serb village of Višnjica, in the early morning of 26 June 1995. Following this, the then commander of the Drina Corps, General-Major Milenko Živanović, signed two orders laying out the plans for the attack on the Srebrenica safe area. The initial plan for Krivaja 95 was aimed at reducing the safe-area of Srebrenica to its urban core around the town as a step towards the larger VRS goal of plunging the Bosniak population into a humanitarian crisis and, ultimately, eliminating the enclave and committing the genocide. It is important to note that Miroslav Deronjić's incriminating testimony against Radovan Karadžić has been corroborated by the actions that General Radislav Krstić took after the fall of Srebrenica. Krstić would later (in 2001) become the first man convicted of genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal. In July 1995, the Army of The Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina's intelligence units intercepted Krstić ordering the killings of Srebrenica men and boys. In the intercept, Krstić stated that "Not a single one must be left alive!". Krstić's instructions to his troops echoed the order that Radovan Karadžić gave to Miroslav Deronjić, "Miroslav, they must all be killed... All and every one that you find there." Here is the excerpt from the Krstić intercept, which also confirms that the killings were not spontaneous, but planned: General Krstić: Are you working down there? [executing men and boys] Major Obrenović: Of course we're working. General Krstić: Good. Major Obrenović: We've managed to catch a few more, either by gunpoint or in mines. General Krstić: Kill them all, God damn it! Major Obrenović: Everything is going according to a plan. General Krstić: Not a single one must be left alive. Major Obrenović: Everything is going according to a plan. Everything. General Krstić: Way to go, chief. The Turks are probably listening to us. Let them listen, the mother-f-----s. (Turks is a derogative name for Bosnian Muslims) The 1995 Srebrenica Genocide was a culmination of earlier massacres that Serb forces had committed against the Bosniak population around Srebrenica and throughout eastern Bosnia --the valley of the Drina river known as the Podrinje). The Serbs never demilitarized around Srebrenica, despite [having committed] to do so read: Demilitarization Agreements http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/11/srebrenica-demilitarization-agreements.html). Notably, three years before the genocide, Serbs destroyed hundreds of Bosniak villages around Srebrenica and committed horrendous massacres against the Bosnian Muslim civilians (view photos http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/10/slaughter-of-muslim-children-around.html). Some of these massacres included the Zaklopača Massacre, Glogova Massacre, Suha Massacre, Bratunac Massacre, Višegrad Massacre, to name a few. To understand how horrible and cowardly these pre-Genocide massacres against the unarmed Bosnian Muslim population around Srebrenica really were, you need to read an interview with a courageous survivor of the 1992 Zaklopaca Massacre http://www.instituteforgenocide.ca/interview-with-nihada-hodzic-survivor-of-the-zaklopaca-massacre/, and also take time to view horrific photos of the massacre http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2010/02/remembering-zaklopaca-massacre.html. But Serbs did not stop there. In 1993 they continued killing Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica. In the 1993 Massacre of Srebrenica Children http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/04/anniversary-massacre-of-children-in.html, Serb forces committed another ghastly crime by seriously injuring 152 and murdering 62 Bosniak children in Srebrenica (they used artillery to strike an elementary school). Here you can view a short video documenting the 1993 Srebrenica Children Massacre, courtesy of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum http://www.instituteforgenocide.ca/christiane-amanpour-eyewitness-testimony/. In July 1995, Bosnian Serb soldiers separated Bosniak families, forcibly expelled 30,000 and summarily executed at least 8,372 Bosnian Muslims - boys, men, and elderly. Serbs first buried the bodies near the execution sites, but then in September of 1995 they dug out many of them with bulldozers and subsequently reburied them in secondary mass graves in an attempt to hide the crime. DNA evidence confirms the figure of 8,100 victims of the Srebrenica Genocide - men and boys who had been summarily executed during the 1995 Srebrenica Massacre (See Press Release by the International Commission on Missing Persons: http://www.ic-mp.org/press-releases/dna-results-of-the-international-commission-on-missing-persons-reveal-the-identity-of-6186-srebrenica-victims-dnk-izvjestaji-medunarodne-komisije-za-nestale-osobe-icmp-otkrili-identitete-6186-sreb/). And yet, Radovan Karadžić denied it all. According to the Serbian author Slavenka Drakulić, « As early as 17 July 1995, an adviser to Radovan Karadžić publicly denied accusations concerning the torture, killing and deportation of Muslim civilians. 'The Muslim civilian population was treated well by the Serbs' he said. But press reports about the suspicion of war crimes committed in Srebrenica were already being published. » http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2008/08/holocaust-survivor-elie-wiesel.html At about the same time, another Serbian journalist Snežana Vukić documented disturbing sexual crimes against the Bosnian Muslim women seeking protection in Potočari during the Srebrenica Genocide: « Two took her legs and raised them up in the air, while the third began raping her. People were silent, no one moved. She was screaming and yelling and begging them to stop. They put her a rag into her mouth, and then we were just hearing silent sobs coming from her closed lips. When they finished, the woman was left there. » http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/08/serbs-raped-bosniak-women-in-potocari.html